On one occasion an excited individual called at his office to procure his legal | services. Mr Hendricks was sitting in a lazy chair reading a volume of State Reports when he entered, and inviting the visitor to a chair, asked him the nature of his business.

I want you to assist me in resisting the payment of a note, and I have been recommended to you as the best lawyer of the place."

most valuable, and which have lasted to the present time, and many of his most enthusiastic admirers and ardent supporters are those who met him nearly forty years ago.

In the State Legislature.

From 1843 to 1860, Mr Hendricks resided at the City of Shelbyville, where as lawyer and politician he was one of the leading citizens. His Democratic convictions were of the most decided character. Its anti-centralization policy, its conservatism so like that which characterized the tried governments of the old world, and its close affiliation with the direct interests of the populace made it his ideal of the party for a government of the people. Indeed his great personal popularity in his district. was in a great measure due to the fact that he always stood close by the masses and their rights, and was quick to resent any effort to curtail their powers. He had read all the party lore, he had been a close student in our political history, and had followed the party of his choice. throughout all its doings. His admiration of Jefferson led him to study his writings and his character, and hence he has always been a genuine Jeffersonian Democrat. He is no advocate of "isms," no follower of visionary theories, but sticks closely to the old party landmarks. Hence his safe conservatism and strict adherence to the vital issues of his party

A Natural Leader.

in politics that captivated him, and sacrificing his financial prospects for political promotion, he, for two years represented his people in the lower house, with the same zeal that he attended to his legal business. But the position proved unsatisfactory to him. He felt himself beyond the position, and resolved to return to his office and books at the close of his term. Whilst in the House he was always at his post, and was watchful of every class of legislation, and he became noted as opposed to all sorts of extravagance and useless expenditure of the public money True to his party, to his State, and to himself, he was one of the leading members whose opinion had much weight in moulding legislation. From his first entry as a public officer he has favored an honest and economical administration of public affairs, and thus is a fitting personage to place on the national ticket with Governor

But the people did not intend that he clined a re-election to the State legislature should retire to private life, when he dein 1850. In the meantime an act had been passed to organize a Constitutional Convention, and his name was at once brought out in connection with that body. The Indianapolis Senatorial district elected him which his legal knowledge and safe judga member of the convention, a position to ment made him a valuable member. Mr. His fellow-citizens, beholding these Hendricks was then but thirty years old, traits even in his early years, naturally and was perhaps the youngest member of turned towards him as a natural leader, that august body. Here with Schuyler and counsellor, and in 1848 they with Colfax, William S. Holman, and the great unanimity nominated him for the leading lawyers and statesmen of Indiana, State legislature before he was 28 years of he took a prominent and leading part in age. Three years prior to this, September the proceedings, and much of the instru25, 1845, he was married, near Cincinnati, toment that emanated from that convention Miss Eliza C. Morgan, by whom he had a bears the impress of his handiwork. It son, born in 1848, but who lived only three was this convention that framed the preyears. This was his only child, and his sent constitution of the State. death left a lasting impression on the be- An examination of the records of that body reaved father. The position in the legis- attests the valuable aid Mr. Hendricks lature was not sought by him, and he ac- gave his fellow-members, and the close cepted it with reluctance, for he had a attention he bestowed on every detail of lucrative legal practice, which must neces- its labors. One conspicuous feature exsarily suffer in his absence at the State hibited there, as elsewhere, is his opposiCapital. But withal there was a fascination tion as a general rule to special legislation.

SO

There were influences bearing on this Representatives, no matter what his genius body, as upon all similar convocations or ability, or standing in state and local favoring special classes and interests, all politics finds himself in the vocative when tending to the centralization of power into he takes his seat in the lower House at the hands of the few and creating monopo- Washington. It was a new school in which lies to give capital an undue influence over there is much to study and to learn, ere labor. They found no friend for such in he can become an active and useful partiMr Hendricks, who opposed every effort cipant, and he who flops up to seek notoin that direction, and the entire absence of riety in his incipiency is as a rule, such special legislation in the new consti completely ignored and squelched, that as tution is as much due to him as to any a result he regrets his impetuosity, and in other member Some of his arguments the future "makes haste slowly" So Mr. on that occasion are models in eloquence, Hendricks quietly performed his several in purity of style, in close and cogent duties during that winter, without rushing asoning, and in devotion to his State. into debate, studying his new position Mr Colfax said that no man in that body and gradually preparing himself for gave more valuable service than he, and future efforts. In the Committee room he Mr. Holman, who is not verbose in lauda- was a steady and careful worker, and on tion spoke of him as an invaluable mem- the floor an active member. He never ber rose to address the house without a specific object, and when he did, he reached his point by the most direct route. His powers of condensation, so noticeable at the present, were shown in his early efforts in the House.

Elected to Congress.

It

The prominence of Mr Hendricks in the Constitutional Convention gave him additional notoriety and popularity was his first opportunity to demonstrate his worth and ability and the people saw in him one of the rising men of the commonwealth. The State legislature gave no scope for his broad ideas-it was too narrow and confined for one with such broad statesmanship and legal acumen. But this convention brought him into his proper sphere and enabled his constituents to note the power of him whom they had selected. His friends presented him as a candidate for Congress from that district, which then extended over a vast scope of country, owing to the sparse population. It was the Central Congressional District of that State, reaching from Tipton on the north, to Brown County on the south, and from Marion on the east, to Hendricks on

the West. The nominating convention

selected him, and in August 1851, he was clected over his competitor, Colonel Rush, of Hancock County, by a majority of

nearly 4000 votes,

In Congress.

Re-elected to Congress.

Under the provisions of the new State Constitution the time for electing members of Congress was changed, and a member had to be selected in the following year. The Democratic Convention of his District unanimously nominated him, and in 1852, he was re-elected. A new apportionment had changed the district from its former geographical boundaries, giving him to some extent a new constituency. His opponent in the congressional campaign of 1852 was Mr. Bradley, an able and brilliant Whig. By an agreement between them Messrs. Hendricks and Brad

ley held joint discussions throughout the district, which was the first of that kind The camof campaigning in Indiana. paign was an exciting one, and this novel manner of conducting it drew large audiences composed of both political parties at the places selected for this joint discusOn the first Monday in December, 1852, sion. It was predicted by many of the he took his seat in that great national friends of both gentlemen that the experibody, and commenced a career in states-ment would not succeed-that disorder manship which has given him a reputation and perhaps bloodshed might ensue from as extended as the bounds of the na- bringing men under the pressure of A new member of the House of political excitement into contact. The re

tion.

sult showed that their fears were un- Mr. Hendricks was not misinformed as to founded. The speakers were courteous public opinion at home, but he well knew

to each other and did not permit party feeling to sunder personal friendship, and the crowds partook of the general good humor. As was expected, Mr. Hendricks was re-elected by a handsome majority

The Missouri Compromise.

that his convictions were in opposition to the views of many of his constituents. The time-serving politician would have had no difficulty in shaping his course under such circumstances. He would have stifled conscience, abandoned what he considered right, and yielded to the clamor of his

It was during his second term in Conconstituents. Not so with Mr Hendricks. gress that the Missouri Compromise came He acted as he thought the present debefore Congress, and that body as well as manded, leaving the future to provide for the country at large felt the most profoundmanded, leaving the future to provide for itself, and however much we may differ as to the propriety and wisdom of his course, all agree that he was honest in his convictions.

interest in the proceedings. The friends of the Compromise regarded it as the anchor which had prevented the nation from drifting on the rocks of discord and dissolution, whilst others considered it the cause of such constant dissension in

the halls of legislation that its repeal was necessary for the security of our government. It is not our purpose to enter into a discussion of the question, as it forms such an important part of the history of that period, and has so often been given in its fullest details that every general

reader is conversant with it. Suffice it to
say that Henry Clay had almost secured
the devotion of the people as the father of
that measure, and with that regard which
well established principles will obtain,

the people were taught to look with sus-
picion and fear upon any interference
with this compact. Opinions on this ques-
tion did not drift in strict party channels,
but men divided on it as a great question
outside of party lines.
In its defence, as
well as in the opposition, Whig and
Democrat worked shoulder to shoulder.

It was a new departure, which created a
new dividing line between individuals
wholly upon this single issue.

Its Repeal.

He sought to explain his vote in favor of its repeal to his constituents, and to convince them that his action was right in the premises, but that vote lost him a large following in his district. He received the nomination for a third term in Congress but was defeated at the election by Lucien Barbour who has died since, and who

was the first Republican Congressman from the Central district of Indiana. However much his people may have, differed as to his vote on the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, he was satisfied the original bill was unconstitutional, and He (as a majority now do) believed that apart from any merit it might possess, Constitution of the United States long should be repealed. He considered the enough, broad enough, and strong enough to govern our people, and that any unconstitutional legislation, however valuable it might prove for the time, was not only a wilful wrong against government, but a direct attack upon the fundamental principles of the Government.

On the 4th of March, 1855, his term expired, and he left the nation's capital to return to his homestead, and again feel the sweet and refreshing repose of private life.

At Home.

The discussions in both Houses of Congress on the question were of an exciting character, and well calculated to inflame the public mind. Mr. Hendricks, as a Representative, took part in the House proceed- Again we find him in Shelbyville, surings and favored its repeal. He advocated rounded by his law books and his briefs, his position from a constitutional and legal the same pleasant, social every-day man standpoint, and divesting himself of all as before. It is not every one who can personality, and ignoring all local influ- stand political honors. The adulation of ences, he chose rather to be the advocate sycophants, the importance of duties, the of a nation than the attorney of a district, eminence of the position, and the eclat

Commissioner of the Land Office.

that appertains to the office, have a tendency to turn men's heads, and give them false ideas of their greatness. They are too apt to forget that it is the position or office and not the man that brings attention and patronage, and they do not discover their mistake until they are relegated to private life, and find that they are disrobed of all that flattered their vanity. Not so with Mr. Hendricks. In all stations and on all occasions you find him the same, plain, unassuming, companionable gentleman, neither proud nor pedanticthe very beau ideal of an American at first disposed to decline the proffered

citizen.

At His Profession.

The offer of the position was a complete surprise to Mr. Hendricks who had not made application for it or for any other po sition at the disposal of the Executive. The President knew him personally, and Mr. Hendricks' friends had, unknown to him, endorsed him for the place. Life in Washington had no particular charms for him, he preferred his own quiet home in Indiana, and as this position would not only necessitate his return to that city, but would occupy all of his time there, he was

position. He wrote to the President, asking for a few days to decide, and in the meantime consulted his father and a few A very few months found him with an of his most intimate friends. The father extensive practice. His former clients re- who no doubt felt flattered that his son had turned, and his reputation brought a large been selected for such an honorable and influx of new ones. Lawyer Hendricks important position, urged him to accept, was as popular as Congressman Hen- and his friends argued that inasmuch as dricks, and to him it was no doubt more he had entered public life, and in all probpleasant, for it is more easy to serve ability would continue in politics, he should clients than constituents, more congenial take the place as a stepping stone to other to tender legal advice than to attempt to and higher positions. Accordingly he ride on the deceitful billows of public wrote his acceptance to the President, was opinion. And so the spring, with its pale duly appointed and commissioned for the green tints and early flowers, ripened into office, and in September he left his office redolent summer, when at the close of a and his home, and took charge of the Genhot August day he was sitting on the porch eral Land Office. Robert McClelland, of of his cozy home, a messenger called and Michigan, was then Secretary of the Inplaced in his hand an unpretentious pack-terior, and was his immediate superior age. That was thirty-five years ago, officer, and as he knew Mr. Hendricks when many things, both in private and well, it is more than probable that he used official life, were done differently from his influence with the President to have what they now are. At the present time him appointed. During the remainder of appointments are, by means of the tele- that administration the most friendly relagraph, heralded all over the country, even tions existed between them resulting in a before they are made, and the fortunate friendship that extended through after individual is amongst the last to receive the notice. What the President will do is more thoroughly discussed through the newspapers than what he does, and a man is put on trial before his countrymen before the indictment is made out. In those days it was the very opposite, and such matters were State secrets," which even himself familiar with every department of the omnipresent correspondents could not the business, knew the details of all its find out. He opened the packet which branches, and very soon was well posted bore the seal of the president of the on the efficiency of all his subordinates. United States, and within it found an Whilst holding this position he rendered autograph letter from President Pierce several important decisions relating to our tendering him the office of public lands, and gave the office a standing

"

years.

His Administration of the Office. His administration of the affairs of the office showed that he possessed fine executive ability, and never before was the busHe made iness so promptly executed.