As Governor.

Here he met the first trials of an adminis- fer to be called, no one can consider such trative office, and first came in contact principles and sentiments as these dewith the temptations that arise from party clared by Mr. Cleveland without feeling leanings and party appeals. He never that such a public officer is worthy of the flinched, never faltered once-never said confidence and support of the whole peoan ambiguous word or performed an ple, and that the interests of the Empire. ambiguous act, but kept straight along in State will be entirely safe in his hands." the path of strict and conscientious duty. When his administration had closed, the people of Buffalo said, "Well done, thou good and faithful servant." Next came. the people of the whole State of New York and said, “Come up higher" There had been no display about his holding the office of Mayor of Buffalo. There had been no electioneering juggling about his candidacy for it, and after he received it, no one could point to a single act of selfglorification or self-advancement. He was the plain, honest, faithful, industrious man that he had been for fifteen years before in Buffalo-a good and true man put in a place of trust and found genuine.

Through all his term of office he watched the interests of the people with ceaseless vigilance, promptly approving what he thought was right, and disapproving what he believed to be wrong; and it is a fact worthy of record, that while Mayor of Buffalo, not an enactment was passed over

his veto.

A Voice from the Press.

The New York Sun, speaking of him editorially, said:

The year 1882, brought with it the Gubernatorial Campaign in New York. The Republican Party in order to give prestige to its ticket placed Mr. Folger, President Arthur's Secretary of the Treasury, in nomination. Mr Folger was personally a good and strong man, but as he had been and in case of his election would have to selected by the machine ring of his party, and in case of his election would have to obey its behests and carry out its mandates, his nomination did not give uniThe versal satisfaction within the party cry of reform that had cleared the Augean stables at Buffalo, rang out through the State, and very naturally the Democratic party thought that he who had worked such healthful changes in a city, was a proper and safe man to put at the head of the great Commonwealth. His supporters made such a showing and so successfully convinced the Democrats of the

State of their earnestness and the worth of their man that Mr. Cleveland was nominated for Governor over well-known and active competitors. His reputation, merely local as it had been, was still found quite large enough to spread out over a State.

A Remarkable Campaign.

Grover Cleveland, now Mayor of Buffalo and the Democratic candidate for Governor of New York, is a man worthy of the highest public confidence. No one can study the record of his career since he has held office in Buffalo without being convinced that he posesses those highest qualities of a public man, sound principles of administrative duty, luminous intelligence and courage to do what is right no matter who may be pleased or displeased thereby." (Here follow extracts from Mayor ninety-two thousand, the largest ever given Cleveland's inaugural.)

The campaign was remarkable even for New York, with its astonishing and kaleidoscopic changes in politics. Many of the leading Republicans of the State ranged themselves on the side of Cleveland's candidacy. The independent element of all parties came to his support, factions in his own party disappeared, and the resulting majority of one hundred and

a candidate for Governor in any State in "We wish," said the Sun, "that the ut- the Union carried Mr. Cleveland into the terance we have now quoted might be Governorship. Thus the plain, plodding read and pondered by every citizen of the citizen of Buffalo, whose capacity was State. No matter what political faith a neither generally known nor suspected outman may have been educated in, no mat-side the limits of his community, became ter by what party name he may now pre- one of the leading men of the country in

less than a year after he had emerged later in the session. In naming Mr Shanafrom his hiding place.

How the Nomination was Received.

On the morning after the nomination of Grover Cleveland the Buffalo Express, the leading Republican newspaper in the interior of the State, announced that it would

acceptance he had said:

"

han as Superintendent of Public Works, Mr. Perry as Commissioner to the new Capitol, and Mr. Andrews as Superintendent to the Capitol Buildings he disregarded political influence and looked to fitness alone. In advancing Assistant Superintendent McCall to the head of the support him instead of the Republican can-Insurance Department he exemplified the didate. Within a week many other leading principle of civil service reform to which Republican organs and politicians took the he was fully committed. In his letter of same bold ground. Republicans-so divided upon almost every other subject, as District Attorney Woodford and George William Curtis-agreed in repudiating the Folger and forgery ticket. Thousands of Republicans, led by the Young Men's Club of Brooklyn, voted for Grover Cleveland, and thousands more refrained from voting for any Governor. He swept the State like a tidal wave, carrying all before him. It was not his party alone that had placed him in the Executive Chair, but the people of the Commonwealth had joined hands with the Democracy to purify the government. So the reform Mayor of Buffalo became the reform Governor of New York. He was taken because of his record. He had been judged by his works. He promised nothing except to do his whole duty in the work of reform.

He is Inaugurated Governor.

An Exposition of Facts. Subordinates in public place should be selected and retained for their efficiency and not because they may be used to accomplish partisan ends. The people have a right to demand here, as in cases of private employment, that their money be paid to those who will render the best service in return, and that the appointment to and tenure of such places should depend upon ability and merit. If the clerks and assistants in public departments were paid the same compensation and required to do the same amount of work as those employed in prudently conducted private establishments, the anxiety to hold these public places would be much diminished

and the cause of civil service reform materially aided. The expenditure of money to influence the action of the people at the Mr. Cleveland went to Albany just be- polls or to secure legislation is calculated fore the beginning of 1883 to assume the to excite the gravest concern. When this office of Governor in the most quiet and pernicious agency is successfully employed unostentatious manner. On the day of a representative form of government behis inauguration he walked to the Capitol comes a sham, and laws passed under its and avoided all appearance of parade. baleful influence cease to protect, but are His address evinced a deep sense of the made the means by which the rights of the responsibility which had come upon him, people are sacrificed and the public Treaand a distrust of his ability to meet it sury despoiled. It is useless and foolish fully, coupled with an evident determina- to shut our eyes to the fact that this evil tion to do his best. He was obliged at exists among us, and the party which leads once to address the Legislature and to in an honest effort to return to better and face the requirements of its action. One purer methods will receive the confidence of his first acts was to appoint the Rail- of our citizens and secure their support. road Commissioners provided for by the It is willful blindness not to see that the law passed the year before. The admi- people care but little for party obligations rable character of his selections showed when they are invoked to countenance and his judgment of men and their fitness sustain fraudulent and corrupt practices. for special duties. The same characteris- And it is well for our country and for the tic was displayed as well as a conscientious purification of politics that the people, at disregard of mere partisans considerations times fully roused to danger, remind their in the important appointments which came leaders that party methods should be

something more than a means used to answer the purposes of those who profit by political occupation."

est manner.

This drew

Kelly was the dispenser of nominations in
Tammany Hall, and placing his objection.
not only on the ground of his own comfort
but of the public interest. These incidents
sufficiently indicate the occasion of Tam-
many's hostility to the Governor and of
Grady's special opposition to him.
The following is a copy of his letter to
Mr Kelly:

EXECUTIVE CHAMBER,

ALBANY, Oct. 20, 1883.

MY DEAR SIR-It is not without hesitation that I write this. I have determined to do so, however, because I see no reason why I should not be entirely frank with you. I am anxious that Mr. Grady should not be returned to the Senate. I do not wish to conceal the fact that my personal comfort and satisfaction are in

the motives of the opposition. from Grady a bitter tirade against the Governor, and the Legislature adjourned A Synopsis of His Policy. without a confirmation of the appointHe not only acted in conformity with ments. As the political canvass of last these sentiments in making appointments year came on Gov Cleveland wrote a but promptly approved the civil service personal letter to John Kelly conveying to reform bills which public sentiment and the Tammany "boss" his wish that Grady the persistency of an earnest minority should not be sent again to the Senate, compelled the Legislature to pass, follow-recognizing the unquestionable fact that ing it at once with a most admirable appointment of Commissioners. He has aided and sustained the commission at all points in a most unreserved and honIn dealing with the acts of the Legislature generally Governor Cleveland carly developed his peculiarity of studying carefully every measure laid before him, not only with a view to judging of its effect and bearing upon public interests, but to ascertain that it was consistent with the existing laws and free in Hon. John Kelly. its form from such defects as would produce trouble in its operation. He adopted a practice quite unusual of sending back measures whose purpose he approved but which were defective in form, to have them corrected. In his vetoes, which were qute numerous, he displayed the utmost candor and a complete disregard of the question whether certain persons or interests would not be aggrieved by the| failure of measures which he believed were not demanded by the wider interests of the public. It was during this session of 1883 that Mr Cleveland made his conscientious and courageous veto of the Five Cent Fare bill in the face of a very strong public sentiment, but in accordance with what he was convinced was his duty as an interpreter of the obligations of the State. At the close of the session he came for the first time in direct collision with the power of Tammany He had made a number of appointments chiefly affecting New York City, among them Commissioners of Emigration, Quarantine Commissioners, and Harbor Masters. These were not pleasing to Tammany, and were attacked especially by Senator Grady. The Governor sent a communication to the Senate urging the importance of disposing of these appointments before the session closed, and reflecting indirectly on

volved in this matter. But I know that good legislation, based upon a pure desire to promote the interests of the people, and the improvement of legislative methods are also deeply involved. I forbear

to write in detail of the other considera

tions having relation to the welfare of the party and the approval to be secured by a change for the better in the character of its representatives. These things will occur to you without suggestion from me. Yours very truly,

GROVER Cleveland. This letter will explain Mr. Grady's antagonism to Governor Cleveland since that period.

His Unswerving Policy.

All through his career as Governor of the principal State of the Union there is observable at every turn the same simple, cardinal principles that preserved and honored his youth and that gave him a firm foothold among his fellow citizens while

The Five-Cent Car Fare Bill. His veto of the Five-Cent bill has been widely complained of, but no one has intimated that he was not governed by a strict sense of justice to all the interests involved.

The following letter from President White, of Cornell University, is one of several that speak of that veto with com

ITHACA, NY., April 20, 1883.

yet but a humble attorney Bill after bill sent him by the Legislature was vetoed, but each veto had with it a reason, and every reason was so convincing that not one rejected bill passed over his protest. He made a conscientious examination of every bill-an examination accompanied by a sharp legal insight-and as he had been his own city counsellor while Mayor of Buffalo, so he is his own Attorney-mendation: General while Governor of the State. In all his work he has gone straight ahead Returning to Ithaca after an absence of regardless of the bearing his conduct ten days I find your kind letter and inmight have on his own political fortunes, closure. I will say to you frankly that I apparently bound only to the discharge of am coming to have a very great respect a duty he owes to the whole people. He and admiration for our new Governor vetoed the Five-Cent-Fare Bill, about His course on the Elevated Railroad bill which there has been such an outcry, first commended him to me. Personally, when he must have known that his act I should have been glad to have seen would be used against him in any future that company receive a slap. But the political undertaking. He did it for con- method of administering it seemed to me stitutional reasons. He stated them very insidious and even dangerous, and plainly, and thus saved the State the glad was I to see that the Governor rose expense of going to the courts with the above all the noise and clap-trap which prospect of being defeated in the end. was raised about the question, went to Nobody has ever attacked him on the the fundamental point of the matter and ground that the position he took was vetoed the bill. I think his course at unsound, nor that he failed to do a sworn that time gained the respect of every duty. He vetoed a general street railroad thinking man in the State. As to his veto bill because it was not drawn with suffi- of the Buffalo Fire Department bill, that, cient care, but when it had been corrected I think, begins to lift him into national he signed it. He vetoed a bill removing prominence, and when you add such a some of the restrictions against investing significant sign as his reported dealing in certain lines of dangerous securities on with the Palmyra statesmen, he really the part of savings banks because he be- begins to "loom up." It is refreshing to lieved the deposits of innocent people find that a spark of the old Jeffersonian might be endangered. He disapproved statesmanship is really alive among us. of three of the New York City Reform bills Party allegiance in this State and elseand gave satisfactory reasons therefor. | where among thinking men is, I think, The remainder of these bills he signed, growing decidedly loose. Great numbers but did not sign some of them till they of men are quietly on the lookout for had been returned and properly drawn. men who can grapple, not with the old In these reform bills which he signed abolition question or the civil war question, there are provisions that will save to New but with the question of a real reform in York City not less than $150,000 per anour civil service-the question of the num. Thus his friends point to actual present and future. No man and no results when they call him the reform party can be built up or kept up on clapGovernor. Whether in signing bills or in trap, but on real determination and power rejecting them, he has shown a diligence, to move in this new line parties and men à patience and competent inquiry which can alone be brought to supremacy have elicited the warmest esteem of the Thus far every party which has arrived fair-minded people of the State. They at power and kept it for any length of time look upon him as a strong, determined has represented some real principle, man in whom there is full security. something which commended itself if not

to a majority at least to an aggressive But on comparison with the records of body of voters, even though that body be previous Governors for the same periods it small. The present time is no exception was found that he had released fewer to this rule. convicts than any of his recent predecessors.

the session was half over he had secured ure carefully and disapproving, without the ill-will of the New York city managers thinking of personal or political effect, the ill-will of the New York city managers those which in his judgment ought not to in his own party but had won in return

the support of the independent and reform become laws. He scrutinized appropriaelement, regardless of political opinion, tions with special care, and his excision of Every detail of government has been items from the supply bill showed his disclosely studied and watched. His nomi- criminating economy and his relentless nations have been quite uniformly credita- keeness in scenting out jobs.