ally longer perhaps than any other resident of struggles, but as I believe from his native nobilthis county, may not be without interest.

ity of character, was his sympathy for the suffer. ing or depressed or humble. He would find out their wishes or desires, their best points, and where their ability lay, and encourage them to advancement and success. Not even now has he any of that unapproachability and hauteur which too often accompany great talents and high position. He is a democrat in the highest sense of the word; no matter how humble a position a

countryfied in appearance, or lacking in knowledge of the usage of polite society, he will feel at ease in Mr. Garfield's presence, and receive the same courtesy, and probably greater attention than would the Prince of Wales.

Mr. Garfield was a native and resident of Ohio, and entered Williams College, Mass., at the beginning of the junior year (September, 1854), in the same class with your correspondent. In a class of forty or more he immediately took a stand above all others for accurate scholarship in every branch, but particularly distinguishing himself as a writer, reasoner, and debater. He was remarkable for going to the bottom of every sub-person may hold, how unfashionably dressed, how ject which came before him, and seeing and presenting it in an entirely new light. His essays written at that time, not of the commonplace character too common in college compositions, can even now be read with pleasure and admiration. While an indefatigable worker, he was by no means a bookworm or recluse, but one of the most companionable of men, highly gifted and entertaining in conversation, ready to enjoy and to give a joke, and having a special faculty for drawing out the knowledge of those with whom he conversed, thus enriching his own stock of information from the acquirements of others. Mr. Garfield even then showed that magnetic power, which he now exhibits in a remarkable degree in public life, of surrounding himself with men of various talents, and of employing each to the best advantage in his sphere. When questions for discussion arose in the college societies, Garfield would give each of his allies a point to investigate; books and documents from all the libraries would be overhauled; and the mass of facts thus obtained being brought together, Garfield would analyze the whole, assign each of the associates his part, and they would go into the battle to conquer. He was always in earnest, and persistent in carrying his point, often against apparently insurmountable obstacles; and in college election contests (which

On entering Williams College Mr. Garfield was uncommitted in national politics. Perhaps his first lesson came from John L. Goodrich, who at that time represented in Congress the western district of Massachusetts. In the fall of 1855 Mr. Goodrich delivered a political address in Williamstown on the history of the Kansas-Nebraska struggle, and the efforts of the handful of Republicans then in Congress to defeat the repeal of the Missouri Compromise. As Mr. Goodrich spoke, I sat at Garfield's side and saw him drink in every word. He said, as we passed out: "This subject is entirely new to me; I am going to know all about it." He sent for documents, studied them until he became perfectly familiar with the history of the Anti-slavery struggle, and from that hour has been the thorough Republican-the champion of right against injustice—that he is at the present hour.

When Mr. Garfield went to Congress, Charles Sumner was the widest reader in either House. It was but a short time until

are often more intense than national elections) he Garfield's book-list at the Library of Con

was always successful.

He showed perfect uprightness of character, was religious without cant or austerity, and his influence for good was wide-felt.

The intimate associations which occur in college life give the best opportunity of knowing the inner character of man. From Garfield I never heard an angry word, or a hasty expression, or a sentence which needed to be recalled. He possessed equanimity of temper, self-possession, and self-control in the highest degree. What is more, I never heard a profane or improper word, or an indelicate allusion, from his lips. He was in habits, speech, and example a

gress, according to Mr. Spofford, the librarian, was next to Sumner's in length. Whether Mr. Garfield ever passed Mr. Sumner, I do not know; but certainly since Sumner's death no man in public life in Washington has made so large a use of the library.

CHAPTER VIII.

LEADING TRAITS OF CHARACTER SUMMED UP.

THIS life is a narrative and not a critical history. To give a final estimate—if there be such a thing-of the life and character Arising, some may say, from his own early of a man so prominent in public affairs

pure man.

as General Garfield while he is at the height | which is equally up to this age of wider of his prominence, is difficult or impossible. facts." As an orator he lacks the massive Especially is this so at the opening of an ex- grandeur of Webster, the brilliant declamaciting political campaign in which he is the tion of Clay, and the fervid passion of standard-bearer of a great political party. Henry; but his speeches are strong in fact, Recognizing this fully, it is, nevertheless, ribbed with principle, lucid in arrangefitting to close this sketch with a general ment, rich in illustration, polished in diction, view of the man. and vital with the power of a great nature. Not trained to the bar, he readily adapts himself both to the court and to the jury; he catches at once the ear of the House of Representatives; he meets the expectations of those more fastidious people who cluster about the colleges, and in the literary centers; and, on due occasion, he sways great popular assemblies at his will.

The closer men have come into contact with him, the greater has been their faith in him. He has inspired confidence and respect in all large-minded and generous men, without regard to politics. Withal, he is a religious man. As a boy, he was never the bully or swaggerer that fiction sometimes makes him, but strictly moral and serious. Although abundantly able and willing to defend to the utmost his own rights, or the rights of the weak and helpless, by physical force, if necessary, he was peaceable and self-contained. Before reaching his majority, he made public profession of religion, and has continued a member of the Church to this day. Like all men of his thought and reading, he understands the difficult religious questions that modern criticism and science have started; he no doubt thinks that the old theologies must be partially reconstructed; but his native piety, his early training, and his own sober convictions, hold him fast to the great truths of revealed religion. Rev. Dr. Butler, a Lutheran minister of Washington, says: "I have not unfrequently seen him supporting his venerable mother upon his strong arm as they slowly walked together from the house of God. He worships regularly in the humble Disciples' church."

his home, save his library, stood in contrast | paper in the land without my even reading to the homes of his neighbors. He is a man them over." of the strictest private and public integrity, and is responsive to the delicate points of honor. No man charges him with being a party to a questionable private transaction; and when the charges made against his public life cease to be useful to the partisan, they will fall into the pit provided for slanders. I am not aware that a single man of character, who has come into close relations with General Garfield, lays any charge of dishonesty or wrong at his door. These things are left to those inferior men whose instincts draw them to the gutter and who fatten upon garbage. Not long ago the representative of a great public journal asked me: "What do the people who know General Garfield think of his integrity?" Had my wits been about me, I should have answered: "Did the men who saw Chevalier Bayard hold the bridge of Garigliano against the Spaniards doubt his courage? Did those who saw Sir Philip Sidney fall on Zutphen field question his chivalry?" As it was, I first answered in a general way, and then added: "I have known General Garfield twenty-seven years; I do not say that I know him as well as one man can know another; I know him as well as I can know another; and there is no interest that one man can confide to his fellow man, that I would not freely intrust to him." A little later, another reporter called upon me in my study to obtain some facts that might be of interest to the public. I had just thrown the private letters that General Garfield had written to me upon the floor. There were some hundreds in all; the first written in January, 1857, the last on the eve of the Chicago Convention. I said to him: "Here are my Garfield letters. Some are scrappy notes, others dissertations. They are one side of a long and intimate correspondence. They relate to a great many subjects: business, domestic matters, religion, politics, life at home, and life abroad. With few exceptions, I have not read them since they were first received. No man is more zealous of his honor than am I; but I would be willing, so far as affecting his character is concerned, to have them go into every news-political doctrine. They do not aspire to be

The public life and character of a public man should be in harmony with his private life and character. This is not always true of such men, but it is eminently true of General Garfield. He is of a piece throughout. I shall first notice the bent of his political thought.

An able journalist speaks of the "strong tendency of politicians to neglect real politics—that is, the business of the country-for the work of electioneering and management; and of a growing disposition on the part of the public to let politicians of this class take possession of the Government, and use it in their own game for their own hands." These complaints are well grounded. Unfortunately, there has sprung up these last years in our country a class of public men who take no real interest in public questions. They care nothing for the exposition of sound

teachers of the people, or to lead the thought | questions with a giant's strength and a misand the conscience of the nation. Their po- sionary's zeal. This was in harmony with litical activity may be summed up thus: his saying, that "the man who wants to Violent antagonism to the opposing party; serve his country must put himself in the a careful looking after public patronage; the line of the leading thought." And that this organization of the "machine"; the cun- is the leading thought, since 1866, no man ning and selfish manipulation of the voters. of sense can deny. The enormous debt To political reform, to the betterment of the contracted during the war, the multiplicaGovernment, to raising the standard of pub- tion and growth of industries, the rapid diflic life, they are indifferent. General Gar- ferentiation of American society, compel field is the farthest removed from these. No real politicians to think and work in this disooner had he entered Congress than he en-rection. It was Mr. Garfield's clear perceptered heart and soul upon the real questions tion of these facts that led him, in Decemof the day. The war over and reconstruc-ber, 1865, to desire a place on the House Comtion passed, he saw that American politics were entering upon a new era. No man could now serve the nation by rehearsing the old slavery debates; by fighting over the battles of the war on the floors of Congress; by unduly prolonging controversies that were for ever settled. He saw that what the country needed was wise discussion and legislation on the civil service, the revenue, currency, banking, resumption, and the hundred other questions that are by no means sentimental, that do not appeal to the imagination, but that are dry, statistical, unpoetic, and as distasteful as possible to your politi

cal war horse." In a noble speech on the currency, delivered in 1868, he said:

I am aware that financial subjects are dull and uninviting in comparison with those heroic themes which have absorbed the attention of Congress for the last five years. To turn from the consideration of armies and navies, victories and defeats, to the array of figures which exhibits the debt, expenditure, taxation, and industry of the nation, requires no little courage and self-denial; but to these questions we must come, and to their solution Congress, political parties, and all thoughtful citizens must give their best efforts for many years to come.

Again, only last year he said:

The man who wants to serve his country must put himself in the line of the leading thought, and that is the restoration of business, trade, commerce, industry, science, political economy, hard money, and honest payment of all obligations; and the man who can add anything in the direction of the accomplishment of any of these purposes is a public benefactor.

He grappled with these politico-economic

mittee of Ways and Means. Since that day he has stood with his party on party questions, though sometimes recoiling from what he thought extreme measures; but nothing is risked in saying that his most valuable services, both in the House and on the stump, have been in dealing with these politicoeconomical questions. Vigorously to denounce the "Solid South," or actively "to stir up the Brigadiers," any time these last ten years, is no proof of either ability or courage; but to mold national legislation and educate the people on these difficult subjects is a proof, and a high proof, of both. Mr. Garfield's native and acquired mental habits well fitted him for such a work. His

patience in gathering facts, power of generalization, scientific habit of mind, and faculty of lucid exposition could hardly have found worthier employment. He explored all accessible sources of knowledge that could serve him, and through him the public. He extended his studies in systematic political economy; gleaned the field of American thought and legislation on industrial and fiscal matters; and went to the Old World for her larger and riper experience. He knew that this is America, and that many of the conditions of life are not the same here that they are on the Eastern continent; but he knew also that Americans are a division of the human race, that human life did not begin anew on these Western shores, and that to be useful and permanent our laws must recognize what is universal in human nature. He has never had a particle of sympathy with the sentiment put in the famous question, “What is abroad to us?" He has striven to make

knowledge the basis of legislation. He said | obliged to make preparation on special subin 1868:

jects in advance, and it sometimes happened that a turn in the proceedings adjourned the speech indefinitely. Senator Hoar of Massachusetts, a man of sober statements, said in his Worcester eulogy: "Since the year 1864, you can not think of a question which has been debated in Congress, or discussed before the American people, in regard to which you will not find, if you wish instruction, the argument on one side stated, and stated in almost every instance better than by anybody else, in some speech made in the House of Representatives or on the hustings by Mr. Garfield."

Our public debt, the greatest financial fact of this century, stands in the pathway of all political parties, and, like the Egyptian Sphinx, propounds its riddles. All the questions which sprang out of the public debt, such as loans, bonds, tariffs, internal taxation, banking and currency, present greater difficulties than usually come within the scope of American politics. They can not be settled by force of numbers, nor carried by assault as an army storms the works of an enemy. Patient examination of facts, careful study of principles which do not appear upon the surface, and which involve the most difficult problems of political economy, are the weapons of this warfare. No sentiment of national pride should make us unmindful of the fact that we have less experience in this direction than any other civilized nation. If this fact is not creditable to our intellectual reputation, it at least affords a proof that our people have not hitherto been crushed under the burdens of tax-diate constituency evince courage of a high ation. We must consent to be instructed by the experience of other nations, and be willing to approach these questions, not with the dogmatism of teachers, but as seekers after truth.

In working along this line, his materials soon began to grow into a prodigious store. These he carried partly in his retentive memory, partly in annotations in his books, and partly in an ingenious mechanical contrivance for assorting and preserving such material, the germ of which he borrowed from his friend, the publicist Lieber. A journal lying before me remarks: "Those who have watched General Garfield during his long career in Congress, must often have been struck with his remarkable faculty of discerning, at short notice, any question that may arise. This is largely due to the fact that, for twenty years, he has been accumulating what is, perhaps, now the best collection of scrap-books in the country." As he grew in the House, and especially when he became the leader of his party, and in a sense of the House, this accumulated material was as useful to him as his rapid powers of acquisition. Few men have a just idea of what his position in the House implies. Paradoxical as it may sound, many of his best speeches were never made; by which I mean that, in order to be ready to take part in a debate on short notice, he was

To perform these great labors has required great courage, as well as great intellectual ability. Of course Mr. Garfield is a party man; it will be for history to sit in judgment both on him and his party; but his relations to his party and to his imme

order. At the very time of his nomination at Chicago he was standing almost alone in the House on a party question. He has never believed or acted upon that degrading theory of representation which bids the representative carry out the thought or impulse that may be uppermost in men's minds for the day or even the year. In the Ohio Senate Chamber, after his election to the Senate of the United States, he said:

public life (almost eighteen of it in the Congress During the twenty years that I have been in of the United States) I have tried to do one thing. Whether I was mistaken or otherwise, it has been the plan of my life to follow my convictions, at whatever personal cost to myself. I have represented for many years a district in Congress whose approbation I greatly desired; but, though it may seem perhaps a little egotistical to say it, I yet desired still more the approbation of one person, and his name was Garfield. He is the only man that I am compelled to sleep with, and eat with, and live with, and die with; and if I could not have his approbation, I should have bad companionship.

Mr. Garfield is a singularly round and symmetrical man. He has been a man of mark in education, war, law, and politics; and he might have been a man of mark in any of the callings that do not demand special genius. As a politician he has always