tially the same as those of 1824. But the new measure, like the old, yielded nothing of the principle of protection, and the South Carolinian leaders were in a humor now to contest the principle itself and have done with it.

The year 1832 brought the season in which choice was once more to be made of a President, and other matters waited a little until the choice should be certainly known. A novel variety was lent to the field of contest by the entrance of a new party. In 1826 one William Morgan, of northwestern New York, had advertised a book which should make known the secrets of Freemasonry, and had been kidnapped and was never seen again. Popular indignation had fixed upon the society of Freemasons itself as responsible for the crime, and an anti-Masonic party had sprung up whose object it was to keep Freemasons out of places of public trust. It had spread with surprising stir and persistency from State to State, and in September, 1831, it summoned a national convention of its partisans to display its strength and name candidates of its own for the presidency and vice presidency. The regular parties followed its cue. They also chose delegates out of the several States to meet in nominating conventions and put their candidates in the field by formal vote. The National Republicans nominated Mr. Clay, now leader of the Senate and unquestioned leader of the party. The Democrats nominated General Jackson, as of course, for a second term, and with him, for Vice President, not Mr. Calhoun, but his own chosen lieutenant, Mr. Martin Van Buren. The vote of the electors was decisive, as before. But six States voted for Mr. Clay (Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, Delaware,

Maryland, and Kentucky); seventeen voted for General Jackson. Vermont gave her votes to the candidates of the Anti-Masons. The electors of South Carolina, chosen as always by the legislature, held punctiliously off from all parties and voted for candidates of their

own.

The election over, General Jackson once more chosen, her party ties broken, her principles of opposition still unsanctioned and untested, South Carolina proceeded with her radical programme of redress. On the 24th

of November (1832) a state convention, summoned for the purpose and formed upon the model of a constitutional convention, adopted and promulgated a formal Ordinance of Nullification,' which declared the tariff Acts of 1828 and 1832 null and void and without force of law within the jurisdiction of South Carolina, and gave solemn warning to the rest of the country that any attempt on the part of the federal government to enforce the nullified laws within her limits would sever South Carolina's connection with the Union and force her to organize a separate government. The legislature of the State immediately took steps looking towards a resumption of some of the powers before for

mally surrendered to the Union, and provided for putting the State in readiness to resist coercion by force of arms. Mr. Hayne was recalled from Washington to become governor of the State; and Mr. Calhoun resigned the vice presidency to take his place upon the floor of the Senate, that he might there contest every inch of the ground in debate.

The President acted as every one who really knew him knew that he would act. Opposition itself would in any case have been sufficient incitement to action; but now the tonic of the election was in his veins. The natural, straightforward, unhesitating vigor of the man dictated what should be done. "Please give my compliments to my friends in your State," said the imperious old soldier to a member of the House from South Carolina who asked his commands, "and say to them that if a single drop of blood shall be shed there in opposition to the laws of the United States, I will hang the first man I lay my hand on engaged in such treasonable conduct, upon the first tree I can reach." No one doubted that he meant what he said. Before South Carolina's convention met he had instructed the collector of the port of Charleston to collect the duties, resistance or no resistance; and when the Ordinance of Nullification reached him he replied to it with a proclamation whose downright terms no man could misread. For a little space he argued; but only for a little. For the most part he commanded. "The laws of the United States," he said, "must be executed. I have no discretionary power on the subject,—my duty is emphatically pronounced in the constitution. Those who told you that you might peacefully prevent their execution deceived you. . . . Their object is disunion, and dis

union by armed force is treason." It was the doctrine of Webster in the mouth of a soldier. Congress voted the President full power to deal with the crisis as circumstances should demand.

Even then South Carolina did not flinch or draw back; but men who loved peace pressed forward on both sides to effect a compromise. Mr. Clay planned and urged measures of accommodation with all the

skill and ardor and persuasiveness which made him so great a master of men, and the tariff which was a thorn in South Carolina's side, though not in principle abandoned, was radically modified. A schedule of progressive annual reductions was agreed upon (March, 1833) which should by July, 1842, bring practically all duties to the uniform rate of twenty per cent. The Ordinance of Nullification was first suspended, then repealed; and the conflict between the States and the Union was for a little while put off.

The principal general authorities for the interesting events covered by this chapter are the second volume of Schouler, the first and second volumes of Von Holst, the fourth volume of Tucker, the fourth volume of Bryant and Gay; A. W. Young's The American Statesman; R. McK. Ormsby's History of the Whig Party; Edward Stanwood's History of the Presidency; Alexander Johnston's History of American Politics; James Parton's Life of Andrew Jackson; William G. Sumner's Andrew Jackson in the American Statesmen Series; Edward M. Shepard's Martin Van Buren, in the same series; Carl Schurz's Henry Clay, in the same series; Calvin Colton's Life and Times of Henry Clay; George Ticknor Curtis's Life of Daniel Webster and Life of James Buchanan; John T. Morse's John Quincy Adams and Abraham Lincoln in the American Statesmen Series; and Anson D. Morse's Political Influence of Andrew Jackson in the first volume of The Political Science Quarterly. With these are to be placed, as general authorities for this, that, or the other special phase or aspect of the time and its affairs, Jabez D. Hammond's History of Political Parties in the State of New York; Arthur Holmes's Parties and their Principles: Byrdsall's History of the Loco Foco, or Equal Rights, Party; John McGregor's Progress of America; F. W. Taussig's History of the Tariff; Henry A. Wise's Seven Decades of the Union; Alexander H. Stephens's Constitutional View of the War Between the States; the admirable articles on the several topics of American history during these years by Alexander Johnston in Lalor's Cyclopaedia of Political Science, Political Economy, and United States History; D. F. Houston's Critical Study of Nullification in South Carolina (the third volume of the Harvard Historical Studies); Frederick Law Olmsted's Cotton Kingdom; the second volume of W. W. Story's Life of Joseph Story; Henry C. Lodge's Daniel Webster, H. Von Holst's John C. Calhoun, Theodore Roosevelt's Thomas H. Benton, and A. C. McLaughlin's Lewis Cass in the American Statesmen Series; James Bryce's Predictions of Hamilton and De Tocqueville in the fifth volume of the Johns Hopkins Studies in Historical and Political Science; Lucy M. Salmon's History of the Appointing Power; and E. C. Mason's Veto Power (first volume of the Harvard Historical Studies).

The chief sources are the Register of Debates and Congressional Documents; The Congressional Globe, which begins with these years; Thomas H. Benton's Abridgment of the Debates of Congress; The Statesman's Manual, vol. II.; Niles's Register, volumes XXXV.-XLIV.; the Tenth Census, Population; the first volume