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The conflicting moral and political elements which are abroad among us, are strongly exemplified in the various theories and opinions, even the most opposite to each other, to which the great national question of Education has given rise. Of those who advocate the interference of the State, some desire a high governmental organization and control, either by means of an administrative department of Public Instruction, with a Minister of State at the head of it; or by powers vested in a Central Board, as in Ireland. would define the agency of Government by Local Boards, and local taxation. Others, again, would limit it to granting aid to Voluntary Societies, in the erection and maintenance of schools; on condition of their being subject to constant inspection and report. On the Religious Question, too, the most contrary opinions have been entertained. Some have advocated an exclusively secular system of education, within the school-walls, leaving the religious instruction entirely to arrangement of parents, and the clergy of the different Denominations to which they belong. Others have gone so far in the opposite direction, as to propose to place the control of religious education exclusively in the hands of one religious party, the clergy of the Established Church. third class would only require that the Holy Scriptures should be read in all schools, or at most inculcated with as little reference as possible to the distinctive peculiarities of any church. Others, again, would leave all arrangements, as to religious teaching, to the Committees of Voluntary Societies; the conscientious objections of parents, however, being fully respected and provided for.

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While the author is fully convinced of the indispensible importance, during the period of childhood and youth, of the inculcation of the obligations of religion, by parents or their representatives; he agrees with those who think that

the more a line can be drawn between secular and religious education, the more readily will all the difficulties connected with the external organization of the school-system and its internal administration, on account of religious differences, be obviated. The most complete form of this distinction, would be the restriction of the school-system to what is secular; a plan which has been advocated by many earnest friends of education of different parties. And here, though, of course, the author is solely responsible for his own expressed opinions, he would take occasion of acknowledging his obligations to the "Journal of Education," and the Publications of the "Central Society," for the valuable instruction they contain; and for useful hints which he may not always have traced to their sources. The above works will be pointed to, in future time, in connexion with the history of education, as honorable memorials of what many of those who were first identified with University College did, to promote that memorable revival of education, in all its departments, which has already produced such marked and decided effects.

But, practicable and beneficial, under the existing circumstances of our social and religious economy in this country, as the separate and exclusive administration of secular education of the higher, or Grammar-School and Academic order, has shown itself to be, in the example of University College itself, both as relates to the Faculty of Arts and the College School; the strict application of the same principle to a general national system of popular instruction, much as it would avoid difficulties, seems, at present, wholly precluded by public opinion. Whatever differences there may be on other subjects connected with education; on this, there is an agreement far too extensive to allow of any present expectation that a different theory will prevail. The Established Church, the

Wesleyans, the bulk of the Dissenting Bodies, the Roman Catholics—the Voluntary Societies, National, British, and others the rejectors of all government-aid :—all concur, generally, in pronouncing that popular education ought to comprise religious, as well as secular instruction, within the walls of the school. In some parts of the United States, the great majority of the religious bodies, including the "orthodox," are advocates for the separation of the two. The same views have been forcibly argued by many writers in England: among others, by Mr. James Simpson, Mr. George Combe, and Dr. Hook. But the fact of concurrent opinion appears to render impracticable any general governmentmeasure that should set aside religious instruction by the schoolmaster: though the rights of conscience, and the optional privilege of obtaining secular education alone, may be protected by keeping this department separate, within the walls, from the religious instruction; and Government may beneficially encourage secular education by maintenance and inspection, leaving religion to the entire management of the Voluntary School-committees.

That Popular Education has entered on a Crisis which is likely to determine much for the future, is evident to all who are acquainted with passing events. There is at least a probability of increased and permanent means of rendering schools more efficient; though a vast amount of local destitution as to school-buildings, will still remain to be in some way supplied. The Educational Controversy itself, too, is in a Crisis, as regards the prospects of future co-operation. The principle of all government-interference in Education, has been condemned by many; and the "Minutes of the Committee of Council" were rejected by them, without any general effort or inclination to negotiate with the Government. The author is aware how much his opinions differ from

those of great numbers of Protestant Dissenters, on the important question he has ventured to discuss. It is no satisfaction to him thus to differ from many to whom he is accustomed to look up, as most deserving of respect and esteem. But, whether right or wrong in his opinions, on a subject which is mixed up with some of the most exciting political questions and interests of our day, the author claims to have formed them not less deliberately, honestly, and independently, than any with whom he may not be fortunate enough to coincide. His views on the main subject, however, have not, that he is aware, ever undergone any change. They are, as he supposes, substantially the views which have formerly been held, very generally, by those who now oppose thema fact which may, at all events, produce a little more tolerance and candour, on one side, than is sometimes manifested in great controversies: and it is not a self-evident proposition, that those who may themselves have made most personal sacrifices to their principles, and to their convictions of truth, are most likely to be forward in arraigning such as may chance to differ from them.

It is the misfortune of Popular Education, that it has always lain in abeyance through party conflict. It has proved rather a battle-field, than a soil which all are eager to cultivate for its own sake. Amidst the claims and interests of parties, the great object itself has often seemed almost forgotten. The author is one of those who think that, on all sides, only reasonable concessions as to party feelings and ideas, and not unworthy compromises, are required—for the accomplishment of a work which alone can insure a sound and well-defined progress, in all national improvements and and reforms affecting our moral and religious economy.

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