will of the American people, registered at the ballotbox, was set at naught. The conspiracy of The conspiracy of years blazed into day. The National Government, which Alexander H. Stephens characterized as "the best and freest government, the most equal in its rights, the most just in its decisions, the most lenient in its measures, the most aspiring in its principles to elevate the race of man that the sun of heaven ever shone upon;" and which Jeffer son Davis himself pronounced "the best government that has ever been instituted by man," that National Government, whose portrait is thus drawn by its enemies, was defied. South Carolina was the first in crime, and before the elected champion had turned his face from the beautiful prairies of the West to enter upon his dangerous duties, State after State had undertaken to abandon its place in the Union,- senator after senator had dropped from his seat,fort after fort had been lost, -and the mutterings of war had begun to fill the air, while the actual President, besotted by Slavery, tranquilly witnessed the gigantic treason, as he sat at ease in the Executive Mansion- and did nothing.

It was time for another to come upon the scene. You do not forget how the new President left his village home, never to return except under the escort of death. In words of farewell to the friendly multitude who surrounded him, he dedicated himself to his country and solemnly invoked the aid of Divine Providence. "I know not," he said, "how soon I shall see you again"; and then, with a prophetic voice he announced that a

duty devolved upon him "greater than that which has devolved upon any other man since the days of Washington," and he asked his friends to pray that he might receive that Divine assistance, without which he could not succeed, but with which success was certain. Others have gone forth to power and fame with gladness and with song. He went forth prayerfully as to a sacrifice.

You do not forget how at each resting-place on the road he renewed his vows, and when at Philadelphia, visiting Independence Hall, his soul broke forth in homage to the vital truths which were there declared. Of all his utterances on the way to the national capital, after his farewell to his neighbors, there is nothing so prophetic as these unpremeditated words:

"All the political sentiments I entertain have been drawn, so far as I have been able to draw them, from the sentiments which originated, and were given to the world from this hall. I have never had a feeling politically that did not spring from the sentiments embodied in the Declaration of Independence."

"Now, my friends, can this country be saved on this basis? If it can, I shall consider myself one of the happiest men in the world if I can help to save it. If it cannot be saved upon that principle, it will be truly awful. But if this country cannot be saved without giving up that principle, I was about to say I would rather be assassinated on the spot.”

And then, after adding that he had not expected to say a word, he repeated again the consecration of his life, exclaiming, "I have said nothing but what I am willing to live by, and, if it be the pleasure of Almighty God, to die by."

He was about to raise the national banner over the old hall. But before this service, he took up the strain which he loved so well, saying:

"It is on such an occasion as this that we can reason together, reaffirm our devotion to the country and the principles of the Declaration of Independence."

Thus constantly did he bear his testimony. Surely this fidelity will be counted ever after among his chief glories. I know no instance in history more touching, especially. when we consider that his support of those principles caused his sacrifice. "Though every tile were a devil, yet will I enter Worms," said Luther. Our reformer was less defiant, but hardly less determined. Three times he had already announced, that, for the great truths of the Declaration, he was willing to die; three times he had offered himself on that altar; three times he had vowed himself to this martyrdom.

Slavery was already pursuing his life. An attempt was made to throw from the track a train in which he was journeying, and a hand grenade was found secreted in another. Baltimore, which lay directly on his way, was the seat of a murderous plot against him. Avoiding the conspirators of Slavery, he came from Philadelphia to Washington unexpectedly in the night; and thus, for the moment, cheating assassination of its victim, he entered the National capital.

From this time forward his career broadens into the history of his country and of the age. You all know it

by heart.

I

Therefore a few glimpses will be enough, that

may exhibit its moral rather than its story.

The Inaugural Address- the formation of his cabinet - his earliest acts - his daily conversation-all attested the spirit of moderation with which he approached his perilous position. At the same time he declared openly, that in the contemplation of universal law and of the Constitution, the Union of these States is perpetual; that no State, upon its own mere motion, can lawfully get out of the Union; that resolves and ordinances to that effect are legally void; that acts of violence within any State are insurrectionary or revolutionary; and that, to the extent of his ability, he should take care, according to the express injunction of the Constitution, that the laws of the Union should be faithfully executed in all the States. But, while thus positive in upholding the Unity of the Republic, he was determined that on his part there should be no act of offence; that there should be no bloodshed or violence unless forced upon the country; that it was his duty to hold, occupy, and possess the property and places belonging to the Government, but beyond what was necessary for this object, there would be no exercise of force, and the people everywhere would be left in that perfect security which is most favorable to calm thought and reflection.

But the madness of Slavery knew no bounds. It had been determined from the beginning that the Union should be broken, and no moderation could change this wicked purpose. A pretended power was organized, in the form

of a Confederacy, with Slavery as the declared cornerstone. You know what ensued. Fort Sumter was attacked, and, after a fiery storm of shot and shell for thirty-three hours, the national flag fell. This was 14th April, 1861. War had begun.

War is always a scourge, and it never can be regarded without sadness. It is one of the mysteries of Providence, that it is still allowed to vex mankind. There were few who deprecated it more than the President. From his Quaker blood and from reflection, he was essentially a man of peace. In one of his speeches during his short service in Congress, he arraigned military glory as "that rainbow that rises in showers of blood—that serpent eye that charms but to destroy;" and now that he was charged with the terrible responsibility of government, he was none the less earnest for peace. He was not willing to see his beloved country torn by bloody battle, and fellow-citizens striking at each other. But after the criminal assault on Fort Sumter, there was no alternative. The Republic was in danger, and every man from President to citizen was summoned to the defence. Nor was this all. An attempt was made to invest Slavery with national Independence, and the President, who disliked both slavery and war, described, perhaps, his own condition, when, in a letter to one of the Society of Friends, he said, "Your people have had and are having very great trials on principles and faith. Opposed to both war and oppression, they can only practically oppose oppression by war." In these few words the whole case is stated; inasmuch as, whatever might be the pre