necticut: Nays, 6. New York: Yeas, 11; nays, 19. New Jersey: Nays, 6. Pennsylvania: Yeas, 4; nays, 21. Delaware: Nay, 1. Maryland: Yeas, 9. Virginia: Yeas, 20; nay, 1. North Carolina: Yeas, 13. South Carolina: Yeas, 9. Georgia: Yeas, 6. Kentucky: Yeas, 12. Tennessee: Yeas, 9. Ohio: Yeas, 7; nays, 6. Louisiana: Yeas, 3. Indiana: Yeas, 2; nay, 1. Illinois: Yea, 1. Mississippi: Yea, 1. Alabama: Yeas, 3. Missouri: Nay, 1.

From the above it appears, that the New England States, except Maine and New Hampshire, voted unanimously against the bill; as also New Jersey, unanimously, and large majorities of New York and Pennsylvania; and that the principal support of the bill was from the Southern and Western States. It is evident, from the large majority in favor of the bill, that many must have voted for it as a measure of conciliation

The nullifying acts of South Carolina were to go into effect the first of February, 1833. But at a meeting of the State Rights and Free Trade party, held in Charleston in January, it was declared that, as there were indications of a beneficial modification of the tariff, [alluding to Verplanck's bill,] these indications should be met by corresponding dispositions on their part; and they therefore resolved to suspend hostile operations. An additional inducement to such suspension was found, a few days afterward, in the action of the State of Virginia, which assumed the office of mediator. Governor Floyd, on the 13th of December, 1832, sent to the House of Delegates a message on the subject of the South Carolina ordinance and the President's proclamation, calling attention to the same. After a very protracted debate, resolutions were adopted, [January 26,] requesting South Carolina to rescind her nullifying ordinance, or at least to suspend its operation, until the close of the first session of the next Congress; requesting Congress gradually and speedily to reduce the revenue from duties on imports to the standard of the necessary expenditures of the Government; and reässerting the doctrines of State sovereignty and State rights as set forth in the resolutions of 1798, which neither sanctioned the ordinance of South Carolina, nor countenanced all the principles of the proclamation, many of which, they said, were in direct conflict with them. It was also resolved to appoint a commissioner to proceed to South Carolina, with the resolu tions, and to communicate them to the Governor to be laid before the Legislature; and to expostulate with the public authorities and people of that State for the preservation of the peace of the Union. Benjamin Watkins Leigh was ap

pointed to the mission, and reached Charleston on the 3d of February.

The object of the interposition of Virginia was accomplished before the arrival of Mr. Leigh in South Carolina. Governor Hayne, in answer to the communication by Mr. Leigh, conveying the request of the State of Virginia, said, as soon as it was known that that State had taken up the subject in a friendly spirit, and that a bill for the modification of the tariff was before Congress, it was determined, by common consent, to suspend the operation of the ordinance until after the adjournment of Congress. The passage of the compromise tariff act, though not altogether acceptable, was, however, accepted as furnishing an ostensible reason for retreating from the position which the State had assumed. The Convention reässembled on the 11th of March, at the call of the Governor; and the nullifying ordinance was repealed on the alleged ground of the modification of the tariff, and the friendly disposition of the State of Virginia. Severe denunciations, however, were uttered against the enforcing act of Congress. It was pronounced a "broad usurpation ;" and so far as its authority extended, it "changed the character of our Government into a military despotism."

There were several other States, besides Virginia, which sympathized with South Carolina, and from which the latter had probably expected coöperation. But there was, even in South Carolina and Georgia, a party of considerable strength, opposed to nullification and secession, called the "Union party," or "Union and State Rights party." Meetings of this party also were held, disapproving the course taken by South Carolina. Indeed, three of the South Carolina Representatives in Congress, [Blair, Drayton, and Mitchell,] voted for the "force bill." They were denounced by the nullifiers, as "natural wretches"-"miscreants"-for having voted for the "bloody bill." The nullifiers, as was by many anticipated, claimed the honor of a triumph.

CHAPTER XII.

State of the country. Tariff bill reported by Mr. Fillmore from the Committee of Ways and Means. Bill debated. Also a bill from the Committee on ManufacPaesage of the former.

tures.

ALTHOUGH there was for several years after the passage of the compromise act of 1833, no general agitation of the tariff question, that act was far from being satisfactory to the friends of protection. A disposition seemed to prevail to leave it undisturbed so long as the operation of it was endurable, or until the year 1842, when the lowest point of reduction should be reached. But perhaps a stronger reason for not attempting an earlier revision of the tariff, was the fact, that protection had become a party question. The opposition to Gen. Jackson, embracing the National Republicans and Anti-Masons, who had united soon after his second election and the passage of Mr. Clay's compromise act, under the name of Whigs, had adopted the protective policy as a party measure; and as that party was in the minority in both houses of Congress, any efforts to revive that policy would have been fruitless. The Northern Democrats, who had for years supported the tariff, had, with few exceptions, abandoned the measure, and united with its opponents at the South, thus forming a successful opposition to it.

The depressed condition of the country, attributed to the joint operation of the tariff act of 1833, and the financial policy adopted by President Jackson, and continued by Mr. Van Buren, produced a change in public sentiment which brought the Whigs into power after the election of 1840. With the election of Gen. Harrison as President, the Whigs also secured small majorities in both Houses of Congress. It was expected, therefore, that an attempt would be made to procure the passage of a new tariff law by the incoming administration.

President Tyler, in his Message, in December, 1841, called the attention of Congress to the subject of the tariff. He had, as Senator in Congress, as the reader will recollect, opposed

former tariffs. How far, if at all, his anti-tariff views had been changed, when nominated by the Whig party as a candidate for Vice President, was perhaps not generally known. He admitted the right of Congress, in imposing duties for revenue, to discriminate as to the articles on which the duty shall be laid, for the purpose of encouraging manufactures. He recommended, however, the exercise of the power in a spirit of compromise and conciliation; and also that the duties should not be so augmented as to annul the land proceeds distribution act of the preceding session.*

Several kinds of manufactures were languishing from the want, as was supposed, of adequate protection; and a material augmentation of the revenue had become necessary to supply the wants of the Government. Whatever difference of opinion may have existed as to the necessity of additional protection to manufactures, some measure, it was universally conceded, was necessary to increase the public revenue; and as it was contrary to the general policy of the Govern ment to resort to direct taxation to replenish the treasury, Congress adopted the alternative of a revision of the tariff.

Numerous petitions were presented to Congress for additional protection to several branches of manufactures; and others for a general revision, or for what they called a "protective tariff" in the place of the compromise act of 1833. Resolutions, also, from several of the States were presented, requesting such a revision of the tariff as should furnish sufficient revenue, and afford protection to American industry. An incidental debate on the tariff occurred at a very early part of the session. Mr. Fillmore, of New York, on the 16th of December, offered the usual resolutions referring to the ap propriate Committees the different parts of the President's Message. On the reading of the resolution to refer so much of the Message as related to the tariff to the Committee on Manufactures, Mr. Atherton, of N. H., said he supposed a tariff was to be laid for revenue, and not for protection: he therefore moved to strike out Committee on Manufactures,

*In pursuance of a proclamation issued by President Harrison before his death, a special session of Congress was held in May, to consider the subjects of the finances and the currency. An act was passed, at this session, to distribute among the States the proceeds of the sales of the public lands; subject, however, to the condition, that the duties established by the compromise tariff act of 1833, were not to be increased; and that if the duties should be increased by Congress, the distribution was to be suspended until the cause of the suspension should cease.

and insert Committee of Ways and Means. A debate ensued, in which the principle, and, to some extent, the constitutionality of a protective tariff were discussed, and which continued until the 3d of January, when, by a vote of 95 yeas to 104 nays, Mr. Atherton's amendment was rejected, and the resolution, somewhat modified, was adopted.

In consequence of delays in obtaining the necessary information on which to base their report, the Committee on Manufactures did not make their report until the 31st of March, 1842. The report stated, that the estimated expenses of the Government for the current year, were about $26,000000; which would leave a deficit of about $14,000,000. Such were the prospective demands upon the treasury-increased by the enormous expenses of the Florida war, which was not yet terminated-that some permanent provision for an increased revenue was indispensable. The Committee presumed the effect of the derangement of the currency, State and individual indebtedness abroad, the depressed price of cotton and all our principal articles of produce, and the gencral stagnation of business, would be to lessen importations. The 20 per cent. duties to be collected after the 30th of June next, under the tariff of 1833, would not yield a revenue exceeding about $15,000,000.

The Committee being of the opinion that specific duties afforded the best security against frauds, which opinion was confirmed by that of intelligent merchants and manufacturers, these duties had been to a great extent retained by the bill. The provisions of the bill were stated by the Committee, as follows:

1. A general ad valorem duty of 30 per cent., with few ex ceptions, when the duty is on that principle.

2. A discrimination is made, for the security of certain interests requiring it, by specific duties, in some instances below, in others above, the rate of the general ad valorem duty.

3. As a general principle, the duty on the articles subject to discrimination, is made at the rate at which it was in 1840, after the deduction of four-tenths of the excess over 20 per cent. under the act of 1833. Many departments of industry were successful under this reduction, which could not bear the great reduction of January last, and which would be overwhelmed under the full operation of that act.

The Committee, by Mr. Saltonstall, of Massachusetts, Chairman, expressed, at great length, their views in relation to the encouragement of domestic industry. A few extracts from the report are here given :