of the island of Cuba, on such terms as shall be honorable to ourselves and just to Spain.

6. Resolved, That the enactments of state legislatures to defeat the faithful execution of the Fugitive Slave Law are hostile in character, subversive of the constitution, and revolutionary in their effect.

7. Resolved, That it is in accordance with the true interpretation of the Cincinnati platform, that, during the existence of the territorial governments, the measure of restriction, whatever it may be, imposed by the federal constitution on the power of the territorial legislature over the subject of domestic relations, as the same has been, or shall hereafter be, finally determined by the Supreme Court of the United States, shall be respected by all good citizens, and enforced with promptness and fidelity by every branch of the general government.

1860.-DEMOCRATIC (BRECKINRIDGE) PLATFORM,

Charleston and Baltimore.

Resolved, That the platform adopted by the democratic party at Cincinnati be affirmed, with following explanatory resolutions:

1. That the government of a territory, organized by an act of Congress, is provisional and temporary; and, during its existence, all citizens of the United States have an equal right to settle, with their property, in the territory, without their rights, either of person or property, being destroyed or impaired by congressional or territorial legislation.

2. That it is the duty of the federal government, in all its departments to protect, when necessary, the rights of persons and property in the territories, and wherever else its constitutional authority extends.

3. That when the settlers in a territory having an adequate population, form a state constitution in pursuance of law, the right of sovereignty commences, and, being consummated by admission into the Union, they stand on an equal footing with the people of other states, and the state thus organized ought to be admitted into the federal Union, whether its constitution prohibits or recognizes the institution of slavery.

4. That the democratic party are in favor of the acquisition of the island of Cuba, on such terms as shall be honorable to ourselves and just to Spain, at the earliest practicable moment.

5. That the enactments of state legislatures to defeat the faithful execution of the Fugitive Slave Law are hostile in character, subversive of the constitution, and revolutionary in their effect.

6. That the democracy of the United States recognize it as the imperative duty of this government to protect the naturalized citizen in all his

rights, whether at home or in foreign lands, to the same extent as its native-born citizens.

Whereas, One of the greatest necessities of the age, in a political, commercial, postal, and military point of view, is a speedy communication between the Pacific and Atlantic coasts; therefore, be it

Resolved, That the democratic party do hereby pledge themselves to use every means in their power to secure the passage of some bill, to the extent of the constitutional authority of Congress, for the construction of a Pacific railroad from the Mississippi river to the Pacific ocean, at the earliest practicable moment.

CHAPTER XVIII.

LINCOLN'S ADMINISTRATION.

1861-1865.

INAUGURATION.

The administration of Lincoln, as foreseen by all, was to be a stormy period in American politics. However, the farreaching sweep of events, soon to transpire, was scarcely within the vision of the most prophetic eye. The country everywhere felt a sense of insecurity. In Washington the friends of the President-elect, apprehensive of danger, took steps to provide for his personal safety. It was believed they had discovered a conspiracy to assassinate Mr. Lincoln while going through Baltimore. Reposing implicit confidence in the people, it was difficult for him to understand, after his triumphal passage through three great states, that such a purpose to thwart the decision of the ballot-box should exist anywhere in the Union. But evidence thickened and he passed Baltimore, in disguise, arriving at Washington about the time he was expected to leave Harrisburg.

From Februry 23d till March 4th was spent in the capital. He was cordially received by Mr. Buchanan and introduced to his cabinet, then in session. The members of the peace congress visited him, and distinguished citizens and official bodies welcomed him.

Monday morning, the 4th of March, 1861, a vast concourse, of every party and shade of political opinion, thronged the city. And although a spark would have kindled the passion of the hour into a flame, the inauguration was accomplished deliberately and without bloodshed.

The ceremonies of inauguration, always impressive, were surrounded with painful solicitude. The vast crowd witnessed the unprecedented spectacle of a number of vacant places among the members of the Senate and House, occasioned by resignations to join the rising southern confederacy. The judges of the Supreme Court were there, Chief Justice Taney attracting attention because of his known pro-slavery principles. Many officers of the army and navy, ministers from foreign courts, and distinguished party leaders, noted with critical eye every movement in the historic scene.

Mr. Lincoln appeared, accompanied by the retiring President, Mr. Buchanan, and by Mr. Douglas, whose friendship at that time could not be too highly appreciated. The oath of office was administered by Chief Justice Taney, Hannibal Hamlin having already received the oath of office as VicePresident, and the newly elected senators having been sworn in.

INAUGURAL ADDRESS.

No man had ever approached so great an occasion with more ability. Firmness, prudence, and humility were so equally blended in the address that, for a time, it disarmed his enemies, and his friends were not quite sure of the strength of his purpose till they had given his words a calm consideration. Its influence was pacific. For a moment all parties were stilled. The abolition element, at the north, felt that it was too conciliatory; the secessionists were incensed by the very calmness which pervaded it; the masses throughout the northern and western states approved, and the "border states" were satisfied. But few comprehended its grasp on the possibilities that lay in the nation's pathway. He re-affirmed the distinguishing feature of the platform on which he was nominated, which declared the "right of each state to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively." but construed the

articles of association of 1774, the Declaration of Independence of 1776, the articles of confederation of 1778, with the constitution of 1787, so as to make it "impossible" for a state "lawfully," "upon its own mere motion to get out of the Union;" and promised that the Union of all the states, would, under the constitution, "defend and maintain itself," while all the power confided to him should be used "to hold, occupy, and possess the property and places belonging to the government."

LINCOLN'S CABINET.

In the selection of his cabinet Mr. Lincoln manifested rare judgment. It was thoroughly republican, and left no section or state, where there was a pronounced Union sentiment, without representation. William H. Seward, of New York, secretary of state, and Salmon P. Chase, of Ohio, secretary of the treasury, were thoroughly in accord with the anti-slavery element of the country; General Simon Cameron, of Pennsylvania, who believed a prolonged war inevitable, secretary of war; Gideon Wells, of Connecticut, secretary of the navy, and Caleb B. Smith, of Indiana, secretary of the interior, were both popular men; while Edward Bates, of Missouri, attorney-general, and Montgomery Blair, of Maryland, postmaster-general, were selected from states as far south as the administration could go.

ATTEMPTED ADJUSTMENT OF DIFFICULTIES.

Mr. Seward, secretary of state, received, as early as the 11th of March, "through the kind offices of a distinguished senator," a request from Mr. John Forsyth, of Alabama, and Mr. Martin J. Crawford, of Georgia, for an unofficial interview; but the nature of the proposed interview was such that, from "considerations of public policy," it was respectfully declined. This was followed by a written communication from these gentlemen, then in Washington, under date of