Ah! say'st thou so! Then it is high time for England to look about her.-Mr. Adams's son is the Ambassador at Berlin, where the Abbé Sieyes was at the time when Mr. Adams resolved, in a manner so very unexpected, to send another petitioning embassy to France.-More of this hereafter. "The difficulties which suspended the execution of the sixth article of our treaty of amity, commerce, and navigation with Great Britain, have not yet been removed. The negotiation on this subject is still depending. As it must be for the interest and honour of both nations to adjust this difference with good faith, I indulge confidently the expectation, that the sincere endeavours of the Government of the United States to bring it to an amicable termination, will not be disappointed. "The Envoys Extraordinary and Ministers Plenipotentiary from the United States to France, were received by the First Consul with the respect due to their character, and three persons with equal powers were appointed to treat with them. Although at the date of the last official intelligence the negotiation had not terminated, yet it is to be hoped, that our efforts to effect an accommodation will at length meet with a success proportioned to the sincerity with which they have been so often repeated. "While our best endeavours for the preservation of harmony with all nations will continue to be used, the experience of the world, our own experience, admonish us of the insecurity af trusting too confidently to their success. We cannot, without committing a dangerous imprudence, abandon those measures of self-protection, which are adapted to our situation, and to which, notwithstanding our pacific policy, the violence and injustice of others may again compel us to resort. While our vast extent of sea-coast, the commercial and agricultural habits of our people, the great capital they will continue to trust on the ocean, suggest the system of defence, which will be most beneficial to ourselves-our distance from Europe, and our resources for maritime strength will enable us to employ it with effect. Seasonable and systematic arrangements, so far as our resources will justify, for a navy adopted to defensive war, and which may, in case of necessity, be quickly brought into use, seem to be as much recommended by a wise and true economy, as by a just regard for our future tranquillity, for the safety of our shores, and for the protection of our property committed to the ocean. The present navy of the United States, called suddenly into existence by a great national exigency, has raised us us in our own esteem, and by the protection afforded to our commerce, has effected, to the utmost of our expectations, the objects for which it was created. "In connexion with a navy, ought to be contemplated the fortification of some of our principal sea ports and harbours. A variety of considerations which will readily suggest themselves, urge an attention to this measure of precaution. To give security to our principal ports, considerable sums have already been expended, but the works remain incomplete. It is for Congress to determine whether additional appropriations shall be made, in order to render competent to the intended purposes, the fortifications which have been commenced. "The manufacture of arms within the United States still invites the attention of the national legislature. At a considerable expense to the public, this manufactory has been brought to such a state of maturity, as, with continued encouragement, will supersede the necessity of future importations from foreign countries." We beg our readers to observe well what they have here read, and to connect it with the circumstance of a new treaty with Prussia, and the convention with France. America will not absolutely go to war with us; but unless we immediately convince her that we are not to be bullied out of our right of searching, she will talk about war; she will even attempt to convoy her merchantmen; and will certainly excite a loud clamour amongst those in this country, who own American stock, and American lands, and who trade with America. A sapient morning print is pleased to tell the public, that, "what passes in so distant a country, cannot be of much general interest in this kingdom." Let John Adams send out his convoys, and the sapient print will soon find its mistake. The sapient print does not know, perhaps, that America takes more of our manufactured goods than all the nations of Europe put together; that she holds more of our capital than all the nations in the world; that she takes more produce from colonies, and carries more produce to them, than all the other nations in the world; these things, and a great many more, the sapient print knows nothing about, or it certainly would not say that events in America R 3 our America are not "generally interesting" in this country." So distant a country!" This is like a baby. America does not concern us, because it is a good way off. Oh! sapient politician! You do not perceive that India is still more" distant," and you forget that Bermuda, the Bahamas, Jamaica, with a long list of valuable et cæteras, are not so far distant from America as from England; nay, that they are just at her door. The sapient print thinks Bonaparte's decrees respecting emigrants, of a vast deal more importance than the election of an American President. The sapient print often, gives us columns full of matter about Sweden, Denmark, and Prussia, which three nations all put together, are of far less importance to us than the single city of New-York. But New York is at a great" distance." America is rivalling us very fast in our commerce to the east of the Cape of Good Hope; she has more than a hundred vessels employed in the East India and China trade; she has all the profit from the province of Canada, while we have all the expense; she is bụṭ she is at a great" distance," says the sapient print, and, therefore, she is of no consequence. We sincerely hope that the sapient print is quite singular in its opinion on this subject, and yet we are afraid it is not. One thing, however, is certain; that, if we obstinately continue to look at nothing but the Continent of Europe, our fate will, at no very distant day, be something like that of the one-eyed Doe. "Gentlemen of the House of Representatives, "I shall direct the estimates of the appropriations, necessary for the ensuing year, together with an account of the public revenue and expenditures, to a late period, to be laid before you. I observe with much satisfaction, that the product of the revenue, during the present year, has been more considerable than during any former equal period. This result affords conclusive evidence of the great resources of this country, and of the the wisdom and efficiency of the measures which have been adopted by Congress, for the protection of commerce and preservation of public credit. "Gentlemen of the Senate, and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives, "As one of the grand community of nations, our attention is irresistibly drawn to the important scenes which surround us. If they have exhibited an uncommon portion of calamity, it is the province of humanity to deplore, and of wisdom to ayoid the causes which may have produced it. If, turning, our eyes homewards, we find reason to rejoice at the prospect which presents itself; if we perceive the interior of our country prosperous, free, and happy; if all enjoy in safety, under the protection of laws emanating only from the general will, the fruits of their own labour, we ought to fortify and cling to those institutions, which have been the source of such real felicity, and resist with unabating perseverance, the progress of those dangerous innovations which may diminish their influence. "To your patriotism, Gentlemen, has been confided the honourable duty of guarding the public interests, and while the past is to your country a sure pledge that it will be faithfully discharged, permit me to assure you, that your labours to promote the general happiness, will receive from me the most zealous co-operation. "JOHN ADAMS." When we hear the President talk about the institutions, which have been the source of such felicity to America, we cannot help thinking, that he deals in the équivoque: and, while he really means the institutions of his forefathers, he leaves the world (and the ignorant of this country in particular) to think that he alludes to the republican institutions of the revolutionists. For a man seriously to talk about the felicity that had been produced by institutions which keep the nation everlastingly in a flame, would be absurd to the last degree. At the very time when he was making this speech, not less than five thousand mobs of citizens (upon a moderate computation) were engaged in political fray. There was not a country, not a parish, not a hamlet, not a neighbourhood of five families, the peace and felicity of which was not disturbed by the effects of the new institutions; and, were it not for the old institutions, were it not for the sheriffs, the juries, the justices, the constables, and the other provisions of the English law, universal confusion, pillage, and bloodshed, would have ensued long enough ago, Of all the sessions that the Congress ever held this was the least important in its proceedings. The CONVENTION with France was the only subject that attracted any degree of public attention; and, as this was confined to the Senate, whose chamber has not yet been thrown open to the mob, it made not much noise. The Senate objected to the se'cond and third articles, as well they might; for, concessions more base in themselves, and more disgraceful to America could not have been entered into. At first, this dishonourable instrument was thrown out altogether; but, soon after, news having arrived of the defeat of the Imperial armies, of the complete success of the French on the continent, of the monstrous confederacy that was forming against England, and of the probability of England being compelled to make an immediate peace, the Senate resumed the examination of the Convention, and gave their advice and consent to ratify it, with the exception of the second and third articles. The President, Adams, in his Message, on this occasion, observed, "that it was his wish that the Convention should have been ratified intire but as a different opinion was entertained by the Senate, a respect for the high authority of that body induced him to ratify it, under the conditions they had imposed; that he had nominated Mr. Bayard, Minister Plenipotentiary to France; but that Mr. Bayard had assigned to him the most satisfactory reasons for declining the embassy-reasons which would operate to prevent him |