"Yet our envoys were dispatched without a ratification of the assurance by the new Directory, at the hazard of the interests and honour of the country.

"Again, the dangerous and degrading system of not consulting ministers, was acted upon.

"When the news of the revolution in the Directory arrived, Mr. Adams was at his seat in Massachusetts. His ministers addressed to him a joint letter, communicating the intelligence, and submitting to his consideration, whether that event ought not to suspend the projected mission. In a letter which he afterwards wrote from the same place, he directed the preparation of a draft of instructions for the envoys, and intimated that their departure would be suspended for some time.

Shortly after he came to Trenton, where he adjusted with his ministers the tenour of the instructions to be given; but he observed a profound silence on the question, whether it was expedient that the mission should proceed. The morning after the instructions were settled, he signified to the Secretary of State that the envoys were immediately to depart."

Mr. Hamilton next adverts to the President's dismission of Messrs. Pickering and M'Henry, and mentions some circumstances that are no less.curious in themselves, than they are dishonourable to Mr. Adams.

"The dismission of the Secretary at War took place about the same time. It was declared in the sequel of a long conversation between the President and him, of a nature to excite alternately pain and laughter; pain, for the weak and excessive indiscretions of a chief magistrate of the United States; laughter, at the ludicrous topics which constituted charges against this officer,

"A prominent charge was, that the Secretary, in a Report to the House of Representatives, had eulogized General Washington, and had attempted to eulogize General Hamilton, which was adduced as one proof of a combination, in which the Secretary was engaged, to depreciate and injure him the President.

"Wonderful! passing wonderful! that an eulogy of the dead patriot and hero, of the admired and beloved Washington, consecrated in the affections and reverence of his country, should, in any shape, be irksome to the ears of his successor!"

Wonderful, however, as it appears, at the first view, it will appear much more wonderful, when contrasted with Mr. Adams's public professions (as contained in his letters to the Houses of Congress, and to the army) at the time of Washington's death..

We

We shall insert these letters here. Such testimonials of republican sincerity are too often suffered to pass away with the diurnal publications, in which they generally make their appearance,

To the two Houses, Dec. 19, 1799.

"The letter herewith transmitted will inform you, that it has pleased Divine Providence to re“ move from this life, aur excellent fellow-citizen "George Washington, by the purity of his character "and a long series of services to his country, ren"dered illustrious through the world. It remains "for an affectionate and grateful people, in whose "hearts he can never die, to pay suitable honour to his memory."

To the Representatives, Dec. 19, 1799.

"I receive with great respect and affection, the condolence of the House of Representatives on the melancholy and afflicting event, in the death of the "most illustrious and beloved personnage, which this "country ever produced. I sympathize with youwith the nation, and with good men through the "world, in this irreparable loss, sustained by us all." To the Army, Dec. 20, 1799.

દ

"The President, with deep regret, announces to "the army, the death of its beloved Chief General "George Washington. Sharing in the grief, which

every heart must feel for so heavy and afflicting a "public loss, and desirous to express his high sense "of the vast debt of gratitude, which is due to the "virtues, talents, and ever memorable services of the "illustrious deceased, he directs that funeral honours

be paid to him at all the military stations, and "that the officers of the army and of the several 66 corps of volunteers wear crape on the left arm by way of mourning for six months.'

66

And yet the very man, who made this solemn profession, did, in a few months afterwards, reprove a high public officer, nay he actually dismissed him from his office, for eulogizing General Washington! Another instance of such base, such profligate, such abominable hypocrisy, is not to be found on record, except perhaps, in the annals of the French Revo lution. Much, however, as we are shocked at what is here related of Adams, we are deceived if he was the only one, who professed sorrow, and actually put on the sable weeds, for the death of Washington, and who secretly rejoiced at the event.

The last material occurrence, which our Author notices in the administration of Mr. Adams, is, his pardon of FRIES, and other capital offenders, in the insurrection which took place in the State of Pennsylvania, during the spring of the year 1799, and which was generally thought to have been encouraged by the pardoning of the offenders in the former insurrection in that State.

"The impunity, so often experienced, had made it an article in the creed of those who were actuated by the insurgent spirit, that neither the General nor the State Government dared to inflict capital punishment.

"To destroy this persuasion, to repress this dangerous spirit, it was essential that a salutary rigour should have been exerted, and that those who were under the influence of the one and the other should be taught that they were the dupes of a fatal illusion.

"Of this, Mr. Adams appeared so sensible, that while the trials were pending, he more than once imprudently threw out, that the accused must found their hopes of escape either in their innocence or in the lenity of the juries; since from him, in case of conviction, they would have nothing to expect.-And a very short time before he pardoned them, he declared, with no small ostentation, that the mistaken clemency of Washington on the former occasion, had been the cause of the second insurrection, and that he would take care there should not be a third, by giving the laws their full course against the convicted offenders.

"Yet he thought proper, as if distrusting the courts and officers of the United States, to resort through the Attorney-General to the counsel of the culprits, for a statement of their cases;

in which was found, besides some objections of form, the novel doctrine, disavowed by every page of our law books, that treason does not consist of resistance by force to a public law; unless it be an act relative to the militia, or other military force.

"And upon this, or upon some other ground, not easy to be comprehended, he of a sudden departed from all his former declarations, and against the unanimous advice of his ministers, with the Attorney-General, came to the resolution, which he executed, of pardoning all those who had received sentence of death.

No wonder that the public was thunderstruck at such a result that the friends of the government regarded it as a virtual dereliction-it was impossible to commit a greater error, The particular situation of Pennsylvania, the singular posture of human affairs, in which there is so strong a tendency to the disorganization of government the turbulent and malignant humours which exist, and are so industriously nourished throughout the United States;, every thing loudly demanded that the executive should have acted with exemplary vigour, and should have given a striking demonstration, that condign punishment would be the lot of the violent opposers of the laws.

"The contrary course, which was pursued, is the most inexplicable part of Mr. Adams's conduct. It shews him so much at variance with himself, as well as with sound policy, that we are driven to seek a solution for it in some system of concession to his political enemies; a system the most fatal for himself, and for the cause of public order, or any that he could possibly devise. It is by temporizings like these, that men at the head of affairs, lose the respect both of friends and foes; it is by temporizings like these, that in times of fermentation and commotion, governments are prostrated, which might easily have been upheld by an erect and imposing attitude."

Having gone through the principal circumstances in Mr. Adams's conduct, which had served to produce his disapprobation of him as President, Mr. Hamilton ably defends himself against the charge of having entertained an unwarrantable bias in fa vour of foreign nations, and concludes his very excellent pamphlet in the following words:

"The statement which has been made, shews that Mr. Adams has committed some positive and serious errors of administration; that in addition to these, he has certain fixed points of character which tend naturally to the detriment of any cause, of which he is the chief, of any administration of which he is the head; that by his ill humours and jealousies he has already divided and distracted the supporters of the government; that he has furnished

deadly

deadly weapons to its enemies by unfounded accusations, and has weakened the force of its friends by decrying some of the most influential of them to the utmost of his power; and, let it be added, as the necessary effect of such conduct, that he has made great progress in undermining the ground which was gained for the government by his predecessor, and that there is real cause? to apprehend, it might totter, if not fall, under his future auspices. A new government, constructed on free principles, is always weak, and must stand in need of the props of a firm and good ad ministration; till time shall have rendered its authority venerable, and fortified it by habits of obedience.

"Yet with this opinion of Mr. Adams, I have finally resolved not to advise the withholding from him a single vote. The body of Federalists, for want of sufficient knowledge of facts, are not convinced of the expediency of relinquishing him. It is even apparent, that a large proportion still retain the attachment which was once a common sentiment. Those of them, therefore, who are dissatisfied, as far as my information goes, are, generally speaking, willing to forbear opposition, and to acquiesce in the equal support of Mr. Adams with Mr. Pinckney, whom they prefer. Have they not a claim to equal deference from those ta. who continue attached to the former? Ought not these, in candour, to admit the possibility that the friends who differ front them, act not only from pure motives, but from cogent reasons? Ought they not, by a co-operation in General Pinckney, to give a chance to what will be a safe issue, supposing that they are right in their preference, and the best issue, should they happen to be mistaken? Especially, since by doing this, they will increase the probability of excluding a third candidate, of whose unfitness all sincere Federalists are convinced. If they do not pursue this is course, they will certainly incur an immense respon sibility to their friends and to the government.

"To promote this co-operation, to defend my own character, to vindicate those friends, who with myself have been unkindly aspersed, are the inducements for writing this letter. Accord ingly, it will be my endeavour to regulate the communication of it in such a manner as will not be likely to deprive Mr. Adams of a single vote. Indeed, it is much my wish that its circulation could for ever be confined within narrow limits. I am sensible, of the inconveniences of giving publicity to a similar develope-, ment of the character of the Chief Magistrate of our country; and I lament the necessity of taking a step which will involve that result. Yet to suppress truths, the disclosure of which is so interesting to the public welfare as well as to the vindication of my friends and myself, did not appear to me justifiable.

The restraints to which I submit, are a proof of my disposi tion to sacrifice to the prepossessions of those with whom I have heretofore thought and acted, and from whoni in the present

question