ANTI-ABOLITION RIOTS. the same day, a mob demolished an academy, because colored boys were admitted as pupils. At Canterbury, Connecticut, Miss Prudence Crandall having attempt ed, in 1833, to open a school for colored children, an act was passed by the Legislature forbidding any teaching within that State of colored youth from other States. She persisted, and was imprisoned for it as a malefactor. Having been liberated, she resumed her school; when it was broken up by mob-violence. 127 At Concord, New Hampshire, on | Storrs attempted to deliver an antiSlavery lecture, but was dragged from his knees while at prayer, preliminary to his address, by a deputy sheriff, on the strength of a warrant issued by a justice, on a complaint charging him with being "a common rioter and brawler," "an idle and disorderly person, going about the town and county disturbing the public peace." On trial, he was acquitted; but, on the 31st of March following, after having lectured at Pittsfield, New Hampshire, he was again arrested while at prayer, on a writ issued by one who afterward became a Member of Congress, tried the same day, convicted, and sentenced to three months' imprisonment in the House of Correction. He appealed; and that was probably the end of the matter. The riots whereof the foregoing are specimens were too numerous and wide-spread to be even glanced at severally. They were, doubtless, multiplied and intensified by the presence in our country of GEORGE THOMPSON, an eminent and ardent English Abolitionist, who-now that the triumph of Emancipation in the British West Indies was secured-came over to aid the kindred struggle in this country. That a Briton should presume to plead for Liberty in this free and enlightened country was not to be endured; and Mr. Thompson's eloquence, fervor, and thoroughness, increased the hostility excited by his presence, which, of itself, was held an ample excuse for mobs. He was finally induced to desist and return to England, from a conviction that the prejudice aroused by his interference in what was esteemed a domestic difference overbalanced the good effect of his lectures. The close of this year (1835) was signalized by the conversion of GERRIT SMITH-hitherto a leading and zealous Colonizationist -to the principles of the Abolitionists. In Northfield, New Hampshire, December 14, 1835, Rev. George At Boston, October 21, 1835, a large and most respectable mob, composed in good part of merchants, assailed a meeting of the Female AntiSlavery Society, while its President was at prayer, and dispersed it. William Lloyd Garrison, having escaped, was found concealed in a cabinet-maker's shop, seized and dragged through the streets with a rope around his body, threatened with tar and feathers, but finally conducted to the Mayor, who lodged him in jail till the next day, to protect him from further violence. At the earnest request of the authorities, he left town for a time. At Utica, New York, the same day, a meeting, convened to form a State Anti-Slavery Society, was broken up by a most respectable Committee, appointed by a large meeting of citizens. The office of a Democratic journal that had spoken kindly of the Abolitionists was assailed and its press thrown down. The discipline proved effective. No Democratic journal issued in that city has since ventured to speak a word for Freedom or Humanity. The Abolitionists, at Gerrit Smith's invitation, adjourned to his home at Peterborough, Madison County, and there completed their organization. At the South, there was but one mode of dealing with Abolitionists that described by Henry A. Wise as made up of "Dupont's best [gunpowder], and cold steel." "Let your emissaries cross the Potomac," writes the Rev. T. S. Witherspoon from Alabama to The Emancipator, "and I can promise you that your fate will be no less than Haman's." Says the Rev. William Plummer, D. D., of Richmond, Virginia, in response (July, 1835) to a call for a meeting of the clergy to take action on the 'At a public meeting convened in the church in the town of Clinton, Mississippi, September 5, 1835, it was "Resolved, That it is our decided opinion, that any individual who dares to circulate, with a view to effectuate the designs of the Abolitionists, any of the incendiary tracts or newspapers now in the course of transmission to this country, is justly worthy, in the sight of God and man, of immediate death: and we doubt not that such would be the punishment of any such offender, in any part of the State of Mississippi where he may be found." 8 "The cry of the whole South should be death -instant death-to the abolitionist, wherever he is caught."-Augusta (Ga.) Chronicle. "We can assure the Bostonians, one and all, who have embarked in the nefarious scheme of abolishing Slavery at the South, that lashes will hereafter be spared the backs of their emissaries. Let them send out their men to Louisiana; they will never return to tell their sufferings, but they shall expiate the crime of interfering with our domestic institutions, by being BURNED AT THE STAKE."-New Orleans True American. "Abolition editors in Slave States will not dare to avow their opinions. It would be instant DEATH to them."-Missouri Argus. And Mr. Preston, of South Carolina, who once 998 exciting topic, "Let the Abolitionists understand that they will be caught if they come among us, and they will take good care to stay away.' v." The calculation was a tolerably sound one; yet it did not save quite a number of persons-mainly of Northern birth-who were seized at various points throughout the South on suspicion of being anti-Slavery, and very summarily put to death-some with, and some without, a mob trial. Had there been any proof' against them, they would doubtless have been left to the operation of the laws for such cases made and provided; for these were certainly harsh enough to satisfy even Wise himself. At Charleston, S. C., July 29, 1835, it was noised about that the mails just arrived from the North contained a quantity of Abolition periodicals and documents. A public meeting was thereupon called, which the Reverend Clergy of the delivered a speech at Columbia in reference to a proposed railroad, in which he despondingly drew a forcible contrast between the energy, enterprise, knowledge, and happiness of the North, and the inertia, indigence, and decay of the South, in the U. S. Senate afterward declared: "Let an abolitionist come within the borders of South Carolina, if we can catch we will try him, and, notwithstanding all the interference of all the governments of the earth, including the Federal Government, we will HANG him."-See "N. Y. Journal of Commerce," June 6, 1838. 9 In 1835, a suspicion was aroused in Madison County, Mississippi, that a conspiracy for a slavo insurrection existed. Five negroes were first hung; then five white men. The pamphlet put forth by their mob-murderers shows that there was no real evidence against any of them-that their lives were sacrificed to a cowardly panic, which would not be appeased without bloodshed. The whites were hung at an hour's notice, protesting their innocence to the last. And this is but one case out of many such. In a panic of this kind, every non-slaveholder who ever said a kind word or did a humane act for a negro is a doomed man. RIFLING THE MAILS. 129 The city attended in a body, "lending," in a grave Democratic State paper, says The Courier of next morning, fifteen years before he uttered it. "their sanction to the proceedings, And it is yet far older than this. and adding, by their presence, to the impressive character of the scene." General Jackson's recommendation This meeting unanimously resolved of repression by law of the circulathat all the mail matter in question tion of "incendiary" matter through should be burnt, and it was burnt the mails, was referred by the Senate accordingly-the mails being search- to a Select Committee, whereof John ed and rifled for the purpose; "al- C. Calhoun was Chairman. though," (says The Courier), "arrangements had previously been made at the Post-office to arrest the circulation of incendiary matter, until instructions could be received from the Department at Washington;" and "it might have been better, perhaps, to have awaited the answer before proceeding to extremities." But Mr. Amos Kendall, then PostmasterGeneral, was not the man to "hint a fault, or hesitate dislike," with regard to such mail robbery, though obliged to confess that it was not strictly according to act of Congress. "I am satisfied," he replied to the Postmaster's application, "that the PostmasterGeneral has no legal authority to exclude newspapers from the mail, nor to prohibit their carriage or delivery on account of their character or tendency, real or supposed." "But I am not prepared to direct you to forward or deliver the papers of which you speak." "By no act or direction of mine, official or private, could I be induced to aid, knowingly, in giving circulation to papers of this description, directly or indirectly. We owe an obligation to the laws, but a higher one to the communities in which we live; and, if the former be permitted to destroy the latter, it is patriotism to disregard them. Entertaining these views, I cannot sanction, and will not condemn, the step you have taken. Your justification must be looked for in the character of the papers detained, and the circumstances by which you are surrounded." Governor Seward has been widely charged and credited with the authorship of the "higher law" doctrine: but here we find it clearly set forth 9 perilous scope of any such legislation was at once clear to the keen intellect of that statesman, who had by this time learned to dread "Consolidation" as intensely as he detested "Abolition." He reported (February 4, 1836), that the measure proposed by the President would violate the Constitution, and imperil public liberty. "Nothing is more clear," says the Report, "than that the admission of the right of cendiary, and, as such, to prohibit their cirCongress to determine what papers are inculation through the mail, necessarily in * * * volves the RIGHT to determine what are NOT * * * He proposed, therefore, that each State should determine for itself what kind of reading it would deem "incendiary," and that Congress should thereupon prohibit the transmission by mail of such matter to that State.. He concluded with a bill, which contained this provision: "Be it enacted, etc., That it shall not be lawful for any deputy postmaster, in any State, Territory, or District, of the United whatsoever, any pamphlet, newspaper, handStates, knowingly, to deliver to any person bill, or other printed paper or pictorial representation, touching the subject of SlaTerritory, or District, their circulation is very, where, by the laws of the said State, ELIJAH P. LOVEJOY, son of Rev. Daniel Lovejoy, and the eldest of seven children, was born at Albion, Maine, November 9, 1802. His ancestors, partly English and partly Scotch, all of the industrious middle class, had been citizens of New Hampshire and of Maine for several generations. He was distinguished, from early youth, alike for diligence in labor and for zeal and success in the acquisition of knowledge. He graduated with high honors at Waterville College, Maine, in September, 1826. In May following, he turned his face westward, and in the autumn of that year found employment as a teacher in St. Louis. In 1828, he became editor of a political journal, of the "National Republican" faith, and was thence actively engaged in politics of the Clay and Webster school, until January, 1832, when he was brought under deep religious impressions, and the next month united with the Presbyterian Church. Relinquishing his political pursuits and prospects, he engaged in a course of study preparatory for the ministry, entering the Theological Seminary at Princeton, New Jersey, on the 24th of March. He received, next Spring, a license to preach from the second Presbytery of Philadelphia, and spent the Summer as an evange list in Newport, R. I., and in New York. He left the last-named city in the autumn of that year, and returned to St. Louis, at the urgent invitation of a circle of fellow-Christians, who desired him to establish and edit a religious newspaper in that city-furnishing a capital of twelve hundred dollars for the purpose, and guaranteeing him, in writing, the entire control of the concern. The St. Louis Observer, weekly, was accordingly first issued on the 22d of November. It was of the "Evangelical" or Orthodox Protestant school; but had no controversy, save with wickedness, and no purpose, but to quicken the zeal and enlarge the usefulness of professing Christians, while adding, if possible, to their number. There is no evidence that it was commenced with any intent to war on Slavery, or with any expectation of exciting the special hostility of any interest but that of Satan. Its first exhibition of a combative or belligerent tendency had for its object the Roman Catholics and their dogmas ; but this, though it naturally provoked some resentment in a city so largely Catholic as St. Louis, excited no tumult or violence. Its first articles concerning Slavery were exceedingly moderate in their tone, and favorable rather to Colonization than to immediate Abolition. Even when the editor first took decided ground against Slavery," he still affirmed his hostility to immediate, unconditional emancipation. This article was, in part, based on an editorial in The St. Louis Republican, of the preceding week, which-discussing a proposed Convention to revise the Constitution of that State-said: 10 April 16, 1835. ATTEMPT TO GAG A RELIGIOUS JOURNAL. "We look to the Convention as a happy means of relieving the State, at some future day, of an evil which is destroying all our wholesome energies, and leaving us, in morals, in enterprise, and in wealth, behind the neighboring States. We mean, of course, the curse of Slavery. We are not about to make any attack upon the rights of those who at present hold this description of property. They ought to be respected to the letter. We only propose that measures shall now be taken for the Abolition of Slavery, at such distant period of time as may be thought expedient, and eventually for ridding the country altogether of a colored population." 131 amongst us, is already moving in this great matter-it now wants to be directed in some defined channel, to some definite end. "Taken all in all, there is not a State in this Union possessing superior natural advantages to our own. At present, Slavery, like an incubus, is paralyzing our energies, and, like a cloud of evil portent, darkening all our prospects. Let this be removed, and Missouri would at once start forward in the race of improvement, with an energy and rapidity of movement that would soon place her in the front rank, along with the most favored of her sister States." He continued to speak of Slavery at intervals, through that summer, Mr. Lovejoy, commenting on the foregoing, wished that some South-leaving his post in October to attend a regular meeting of the Presbyterian Synod. ern-born man, of high character, decided ability, and fervent piety, would take up the subject of Slavery in a proper spirit, and, being familiar, experimentally, with all its evils and its difficulties, would show the people, practically, what they ought to do with regard to it. He continued: "To such a man, a golden opportunity of doing good is offered. We believe the minds of the good people of this State are fully prepared to listen to him-to give a dispas sionate consideration to the facts and reasonings he might present connected with the subject of Slavery. Public sentiment, 11 ST. LOUIS, October 5, 1835. To the Rev. E. P. Lovejoy, Editor of The Observer : Sir:-The undersigned, friends and supporters of the "Observer," beg leave to suggest, that the present temper of the times requires a change in the manner of conducting that print in relation to the subject of domestic Slavery. The public mind is greatly excited, and, owing to the unjustifiable interference of our Northern brethren with our social relations, the community are, perhaps, not in a situation to endure sound doctrine in relation to this subject. Indeed, we have reason to believe, that violence is even now meditated against the "Observer Office;" and we do believe that true policy and the interests of religion require that the discussion of this exciting question should be at least postponed in this State. Directly after his departure, an excitement commenced with regard to his strictures on Slavery; and the proprietors of The Observer, alarmed by threats of mob-violence, issued a card, promising that nothing should be said on the exciting subject until the editor's return; and, this not proving satisfactory, they issued a further card on the 21st, declaring themselves, "one and all," opposed to the mad schemes of the Abolitionists. Before this, a letter" had been written silence everything connected with the subject of Slavery. We would like that you announce in your paper, your intention so to do. We shall be glad to be informed of your de termination in relation to this matter. Respectfully, your obedient servants, HEZEKIAH KING, Although we do not claim the right to prescribe your course as an Editor, we hope that the concurring opinions of so many persons, having the interest of your paper and of religion both at heart, may induce you to distrusting your own judgment, and so far change the character of the "Observer," as to pass over in "E. P. L |