“The” American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-'64 : It's Causes, Incidents, and Results : Intended to Exhibit Especially Its Moral and Political Phases : with the Drift and Progress of American Opinion Respecting Human Slavery : from 1776 to the Close of the War for the Union, Volume 1
O.D. Case, 1865 - Slavery
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The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States ...
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Page 266 - It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any portion of the foreign world; so far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it ; for let me not be understood as capable of patronizing infidelity to existing engagements.
Page 42 - There shall be neither slavery nor involuntary servitude in the said territory otherwise than in the punishment of crimes, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted; Provided, always, That any person escaping into the same, from whom labor or service is lawfully claimed in any one of the original States, such fugitive may be lawfully reclaimed and conveyed to the person claiming his or her labor or service as aforesaid.
Page 422 - Resolved, that the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially the right of each State to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depend, and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter under what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes.
Page 35 - That all men are by nature equally free and independent, and have certain inherent rights, of which, when they enter into a state of society, they cannot by any compact deprive or divest their posterity ; namely, the enjoyment of life and liberty, with the means of acquiring and possessing property, and pursuing and obtaining happiness and safety.
Page 84 - Government assumes undelegated powers, its acts are unauthoritative, void, and of no force : that to this compact each State acceded as a State, and is an integral party, its co-States forming, as to itself, the other party : that the Government created by this compact, was not made the exclusive or final judge of the extent of the powers delegated to itself ; since that would have made its discretion, and not the Constitution, the measure of its powers ; but that, as in all other cases of compact...
Page 232 - Measures, is hereby declared inoperative and void : it being the true intent and meaning of this act, not to legislate slavery into any territory or state, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the constitution of the United States...
Page 301 - In my opinion, it will not cease until a crisis shall have been reached and passed. " A house divided against itself cannot stand." I believe this Government cannot endure permanently half slave and half free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved, I do not expect the house to fall, but I do expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing, or all the other.
Page 557 - Must a government of necessity be too strong for the liberties of its own people, or too weak to maintain its own existence?
Page 425 - Physically speaking, we cannot separate. We cannot remove our respective sections from each other, nor build an impassable wall between them. A husband and wife may be divorced, and go out of the presence and beyond the reach of each other; but the different parts of our country 196 cannot do this. They cannot but remain face to face, and intercourse, either amicable or hostile, must continue between them.
Page 425 - Constitution, which amendment, however, I have not seen, has passed Congress, to the effect that the federal government shall never interfere with the domestic institutions of the States, including that of persons held to service. To avoid misconstruction of what I have said, I depart from my purpose not to speak of particular amendments, so far as to say that holding such a provision to now be implied constitutional law, I have no objection to its being made express and irrevocable.