Total.......... 2,213,665 1,802,237 Lincoln's popular majority, 411,428. Fourteen of the States had authorized their soldiers in the field to vote; those of New York sending home their ballots (sealed) to be cast by their next friends. Of course, no one can say how her soldiers voted. The vote of the Minnesota soldiers did not reach her State canvassers in season to be counted, and were pro The choice of Presidential Electors was made simultaneously" in every State; and the result was such as all intelligent observers had for weeks anticipated. Gen. McClellan secured the Electoral votes of New Jersey, Delaware, and Kentucky21 in all the residue-212-were cast for Lincoln and Johnson. The only States wherein the voters were divided with a near approach to equality were New York, Pennsylva-bably destroyed unopened. So with nia, Connecticut, Delaware, and perhaps New Hampshire, New Jersey, and Oregon. No election was held in the ten States which were or had been most completely under the sway of the Rebellion; and, though Lincoln and Johnson electors were chosen in Tennessee, their vote was not accepted and counted by Congress. gregate poll in each loyal State was most of the Vermont soldiers' vote. Vermont... LINCOLN. MCCLELLAN. 741 2,066 690 243 49 .26,712 12,349 2,800 321 The ag 1,194 2,823 .41,146 9,757 Michigan.. a right to do; but one of them failed to appear, Novada chose three electors, as she had and his colleagues did not fill his place. LINCOLN'S LAST MESSAGE-SLAVERY ABOLISHED. 673 XXXVIIIth Congress. XXXIXth Congress | heated controversy as to the proper means States. Rep.-Union. Dem. Rep.-Union. . Dem. California.... 3 1 3 5 2 3 11 and best mode of advancing the Union cause; but, on the distinct issue of Union or no Union, the politicians have shown their instinctive knowledge that there is no diversity among the people. In affording the people the fair opportunity of showing, to one another and to the world, this firmness and unanimity of purpose, the election has been of vast value to the National cause." He discouraged further attempts at negotiation with "the insurgent leader," as precluded by the fixed 1 resolve on our side not to concede Disunion and on his to accept nothing less; and added: 3 "In presenting the abandonment of armed resistance to the National authority, on the 9 part of the insurgents, as the only indispensable condition to ending the war on the part of the Government, I retract nothing heretofore said as to Slavery. I repeat the declaration made a year ago, that, while I remain in my present position, I shall not attempt to retract or modify the Emancipation Proclamation, nor shall I return to Slavery any person who is free by the terms of that Proclamation, or by any of the acts of Congress.' If the people should, by whatever mode or means, make it an Executive duty to rëenslave such persons, another, and not I, must be their instrument to perform it. 41 Total.....106 77 NOTE.-Some members ultimately became alienated from the party by which they were respectively elected; some were unseated as improperly returned; and several were elected from States formerly in revolt who were not admitted to seats; the above table conforms to the original returns. The XXXVIIIth Congress rëassembled" soon after the Presidential Election; and Mr. Lincoln addressed to it his last Annual Message. With reference to the recent election, he said: "Judging by the recent canvass and its result, the purpose of the people, within the loyal States, to maintain the integrity of the Union, was never more firm, nor more near ly unanimous, than now. The extraordinary calmness and good order with which the millions of voters met and mingled at the polls give strong assurance of this. Not only all those who supported the Union ticket, so called, but a great majority of the opposing party also, may be fairly claimed to entertain, and to be actuated by, the same purpose. It is an unanswerable argument to this effect, that no candidate for any office whatever, high or low, has ventured to seek votes on the avowal that he was for giving up the Union. There have been much impugning of motives, and much $7 Dec. 6, 1864. VOL. II. 43. "In stating a single condition of peace, I mean simply to say that the war will cease on the part of the Government whenever it shall have ceased on the part of those who began it." The event of this session was the passage, by the required two-thirds vote, of the Constitutional Amendment abolishing and forever prohibiting Slavery throughout the United States. This measure had been first submitted" to the Senate by Mr. Henderson of Mo., and adopted " in that branch by the strong vote of 38 to 6; as follows: YEAS-[Democrats in Italics.] PENNSYLVANIA-Cowan. MISSOURI-Brown, Henderson. CALIFORNIA-Conness.-Total, 38. CALIFORNIA-McDougall.-Total, 6. Not Voting.-Buckalew, Pa.; Wright, N. J.; Hicks, Md.; Bowden and Carlile, Va.; Richardson, Ill.-all Democrats. But it failed" in the House: Yeas 95; Nays 66-substantially, though not absolutely, a party division. Mr. Ashley, of Ohio-changing his vote to enable him to do so-now moved a reconsideration; and the subject went over to await the issues of the War and of the pending election of President. Mr. Lincoln, in his Message already quoted, now urged the House to concur with the Senate in adopting the Amendment-saying: "Without questioning the wisdom or patriotism of those who stood in opposition, I venture to recommend the reconsideration and passage of the measure at the present session. Of course, the abstract question is not changed; but an intervening election shows, almost certainly, that the next Congress will pass the measure if this does not. Hence, there is only a question of time as to when the proposed Amendment will go to the States for their action. And, as it is to so go at all events, may we not agree that the sooner the better? It is not claimed that the election has imposed a duty on members to change their views or their votes, any further than, as an additional element to be considered, their judgment may be affected by it. It is the voice of the people now, for the first time, heard upon the question. In a great National crisis, like ours, unanimity of action among those seeking a common end is very desirable-almost indispensable. And yet, no approach to such unanimity is attainable, unless some deference shall be paid to the will of the majority, simply because it is the will of the majority. In this case, the common end is the maintenance of the Union; and, among the means to secure that end, such will, through the election, is most clearly declared in favor of such Constitutional Amendment." Mr. Ashley accordingly called up“ in the House his motion to reconsider the vote above given; and the question was at length brought" to issue -a motion to lay it on the table having been defeated by 111 to 57when the reconsideration was ordered Yeas 112; Nays 57. The vote was then taken on concurring with the Senate in passing the Amendment, in the shape reported by Mr. Trumbull from the Judiciary Committee of the Senate-as follows: "Be it resolved, &c., That the following the several States as an amendment to the article be proposed to the Legislatures of Constitution of the United States, which, when ratified by three-fourths of said Legis latures, shall be valid, to all intents and purposes, as a part of the said Constitution, namely: แ "ARTICLE XIII. 11 Jan. 6, 1865. Jan. 31. THE LINCOLN-STEPHENS NEGOTIATION. VERMONT-Baxter, Morrill, Woodbridge. NEW YORK-A. W. Clark, Freeman Clark, Davis, Frank, Ganson, Griswold, Herrick, Hotchkiss, Hulburd, Kellogg, Littlejohn, Marvin, Miller, Morris, Nelson, Odell, Pomeroy, Radford, Steele, Van Valkenburg. NEW JERSEY-Starr. PENNSYLVANIA-Baily, Broomall, Coffroth, Hale, Kelley, McAllister, Moorhead, A. Myers, L. Myers, C. O'Neill, Schofield, Stevens, Thayer, Tracy, Williams. DELAWARE-Smithers. MARYLAND-Cresswell, Henry Winter Yeaman. ins, Schenck, Spaulding. INDIANA-Colfax, Dumont, Julian, Orth. ILLINOIS-Arnold, Farnsworth, Ingersoll, Norton, E. B. Washburne. MISSOURI-Blow, Boyd, King, Knox, Loan, McClurg, J. S. Rollins. MICHIGAN A. C. Baldwin, Beaman, Driggs, F. W. Kellogg, Longyear, Upson. Iowa-Allison, Grinnell, A. W. Hubbard, Kasson, Price, Wilson, WISCONSIN- Cobb, Wheeler. McIndoe, MINNESOTA-Donnelly, Windom. KANSAS-Wilder. OREGON-McBride. NEVADA-Worthington. Sloan, 675 [By the subsequent ratification of more than two-thirds of the States, this Amendment has become a part of the Federal Constitution.] upon Several informal attempts at opening negotiations for the termination of hostilities were made in the course of this Winter-Hon. Francis P. Blair, of Maryland, visiting Richmond twice on the subject, with the consent, though not by the request, of President Lincoln. At length, their direct application, Messrs. Alex. H. Stephens, John A. Campbell, and Robert M. T. Hunter, were permitted to pass Gen. Grant's lines before Petersburg, and proceed to Fortress Monroe; where they were met by Gov. Seward, followed by President Lincoln;" and a free, full conference was had: but it resulted in nothing. The Confederate Commissioners were not authorized to concede the reunion of the States; Presi CALIFORNIA-Cole, Higby, Shannon. dent Lincoln would treat on no other Total, 119. NAYS-[All Democrats.] MAINE-Sweat. NEW YORK-Brooks, Chanler, Kalbfleisch, Kernan, Pruyn, Townsend, Ward, Winfield, Ben. Wood, Fernando Wood. NEW JERSEY-Perry, W. G. Steele. PENNSYLVANIA-Ancona, Dawson, Den nison, P. Johnson, W. H. Miller, S. J. Randall, Stiles, Strouse. MARYLAND-B. G. Harris. KENTUCKY-Clay, Grider, Harding, Mallory, Wadsworth. ÕHIO-Bliss, Cox, Finck, Wm. Johnson, Long, J. R. Morris, Noble, J. O'Neill, Pendleton, C. A. White, J. W. White. INDIANA-Cravens, Edgerton, Harrington, Holman, Law. ILLINOIS-J. C. Allen, W. J. Allen, Eden, WISCONSIN-J. S. Brown, Eldridge. Not Voting-Lazear, Pa.; Marcy, N. H.; McDowell and Voorhees, Ind.; Le Blond and McKinney, Ohio; Middleton and Rogers, N. J.-all Democrats. **Feb. 3, 1865. basis; so the parties separated as they met: and a great meeting was held" at Richmond on the return of those Commissioners, which was addressed by Gov. William Smith, of Virginia, and by Jefferson Davis, who said: "In my correspondence with Mr. Lincoln, that functionary has always spoken of the United States and the Confederacy as 'our afflicted country;' but, in my replies, I have never failed to refer to them as separate and distinct governments; and, sooner than we should ever be united again, I would be willing to yield up every thing I have on earth, and, if it were possible, would sacrifice my life a thousand times before I would succumb." He concluded by exhorting those at home, who were able to bear arms— "to unite with those already in the army in repelling the foe; believing that thereby we would compel the Yankees, in less than 44 Feb. 6. twelve months, to petition us for peace upon statement somewhat in detail of a course to our own terms." The meeting unanimously "Resolved, That we, the citizens here assembled, do spurn, with the indignation due to so gross an insult, the terms on which the President of the United States has offered peace to the people of the Confederate States. "Resolved, That the circumstances under which that proffer has been made add to the outrage, and stamp it as a designed and premeditated indignity to our people." A "War Meeting" was held there three days afterward; whereat R. M. T. Hunter presided, and addresses were made by Secretary J. P. Benjamin and others. This meeting likewise "Resolved, 1. That the events which have occurred during the progress of the war have but confirmed our original determination to strike for our independence; and that, with the blessing of God, we will never lay down our arms until it shall have been won. [Wild and long-continued cheering followed the reading of this resolution.] Resolved, 2. That, as we believe our resources to be sufficient for the purpose, we do not doubt that we shall conduct the war successfully to that issue; and we hereby invoke the people, in the name of the holiest of all causes, to spare neither their blood nor their treasure in its maintenance and support." 66 be pursued seemed fitting and proper. Now, at the expiration of four years, during which public declarations have been constantly called forth on every point and phase of the great contest which still absorbs the attention and engrosses the energy of the nation, little that is new could be presented. "The progress of our arms, upon which all else chiefly depends, is as well known to the public as to myself; and it is, I trust, reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all. With high hope for the future, no prediction in regard to it is ventured. anx "On the occasion corresponding to this, four years ago, all thoughts were iously directed to an impending civil war. All dreaded it. All sought to avert it. While the Inaugural Address was being delivered from this place, devoted altogether to the saving of the Union without war, insurgent agents were in the city, seeking to destroy it without war-seeking to dissolve the Union and divide the effects by nego tiation. Both parties deprecated war; but one of them would make war rather than let the nation survive; and the other would accept war rather than let it perish-and the war came. One-eighth of the whole population were colored slaves, not distributed generally over the Union, but localized in the Southern part of it. These slaves constituted a peculiar and beneficial interest. All knew that this interest was somehow the cause of the war. interest was the object for which the insurTo strengthen, perpetuate, and extend this gents would rend the Union even by war; while the Government claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargement of it. Neither party expected for the war the magnitude nor the duration which it has already attained. Neither anticipated that the cause of the conflict might cease with, or even before, the conflict itself should cease. Each looked for an easier triumph and a result less fundamental and astounding. Both read the same Bible and pray to the same God, and each invokes His aid against the other. It may seem strange that any men should dare to ask a just God's assistance in wringing their bread from the sweat of other men's faces. But let us judge not, that we be not answered; that of neither has been anjudged. The prayer of both could not be swered fully. The Almighty has His own purposes. Woe unto the world because of offenses; for it must needs be that offenses come, but woe to that man by whom the offense cometh.' If we shall suppose that American Slavery is one of those offenses which, in the providence of God, must needs 45 March 4, 1865, Mr. Lincoln's Address, on his second inauguration" as President, may fitly close this final chapter of our political history. In its profoundly religious spirit, its tenderness, its undesigned solemnity, in view of the triumphs already achieved and the still more conclusive triumphs rationally anticipated and now just at hand, the reader will discern the then unperceived but awful shadow of impending death: "FELLOW-COUNTRYMEN-At this second appearing to take the oath of the Presidential office, there is less occasion for an extended address than there was at the first. Then, a |