The machinery of government corresponded to that of the colonial days-providing for a governor, a legislature of two houses, judges, and other officers. Both a religious and a property test were required of voters in nearly all the colonies, and Sunday laws were maintained. While Massachusetts provided for laws against theaters and extravagance in dress, still to her belongs the glory of being the first of the thirteen original states to abolish slavery. Vermont three years before (1777) had adopted a constitution prohibiting slavery, but when she applied to Congress for admission as a state, Congress refused her. She was the first state to be admitted after the adoption of the constitution.

These new state constitutions carried the states safely through the prolonged struggle of the Revolution, and proved a source of strength to the central governing body— the Second Continental Congress.

277. Articles of Confederation-1781.-In the first burst of enthusiasm but few questioned the authority of Congress, and but little contention among the colonies resulted. But as time passed, great dissensions arose. The necessity was thus felt for a national constitution, fixing the powers of the general government. Accordingly, in November of 1777, Congress submitted to the states for their ratification the "Articles of Confederation and Perpetual Union”—the same to become binding only when approved by the unanimous vote of the thirteen states.

The government instituted under the Articles of Confederation, while not satisfactory, was probably the best that could have obtained ratification at that time. As it was,

great difficulty was experienced in securing the adoption of the Articles-the consent of Maryland not having been obtained until March 1, 1781. The vote of Maryland made the adoption unanimous, and the Articles went into operation as the first constitution of the new republic.

278. Weakness of the Articles.-The Articles provided for a congress of the United States composed of delegates from

each state, appointed by the state, paid by the state, and entirely under the state's control. These delegates were chosen annually. No state could have less than two nor more than seven delegates. Whatever the number of delegates, each state could have but one vote, and the vote of nine of the states was necessary for the passage of important laws. Congress had power, though limited, over postal regulations, Indian affairs, coin, weights and measures, war and peace.

The chief defects in the Articles lay in the facts that

(1) Congress could not collect a revenue. It could not levy taxes. It could deal with the states, but not with the people. It could request, but could not compel a state to furnish money for the support of the general government. It was thus at the mercy of the states, which, in more than one instance, refused its request. Thus, while Congress had power to raise armies, it did not have power to raise money with which to pay the armies. While it could incur debts,

it had no power to raise money to cancel them.

(2) Congress had no power to enforce its own laws. It could make treaties, but could not prevent the violation of treaty obligations by the states. Thus the general government could neither preserve order at home nor command respect abroad. Five of the states refused to comply with the provision of the treaty of 1783 providing for the payment of private debts.

(3) Congress had no power to regulate commerce between

the states.

Foreign commerce was practically destroyed at the close of the war, when Great Britain laid heavy tariffs on all American exports and later forbade American ships to trade with the British West Indies-a trade which had always been a source of wealth to the American colonies. Congress could not retaliate because the states would not unite in a uniform law. Thus each state was soon engaged in an attempt to build itself up at the expense of other states by placing high

tariffs on productions both from foreign countries and from sister states. Instead of retaliating against Great Britain, the states retaliated against each other. One port would often bid against another for foreign goods,-admitting the goods duty free,-even after agreeing not to do so. Thus bad faith was practiced, and strife and bitterness followed. The condition of trade and the disturbed state of business in every state of the union perhaps did more than all else toward leading the whole country to see the immediate necessity for a stronger government than the Articles afforded.

.

(4) The Articles could not be amended, save by a vote of all the states. All efforts to amend the Articles failed,-a unanimous vote of the thirteen states could not be secured. (5) The fact that each state could have but one vote was felt to be unjust in the extreme. Thus Massachusetts, with its 370,000, and Virginia, with its more than a half million population, had no more voice than Georgia and Rhode Island and Delaware, each with a population of less than 70,000.

279. State Pride. At best, the "union," under the Articles of Confederation, was but a confederation of separate states. The idea of the government of the United States being a government "of the people, by the people, and for the people" of "one common country," had not yet laid hold upon the public mind. There was much local pride; and much jealousy between the states. To be a citizen of any state was a prouder distinction than to be a citizen of the republic. It was the day in which "my state" was much spoken of, and "our country" but little.

280. Shays's Rebellion.-Even states which attempted to carry out their own measures, or the requests of the national government, were interfered with by their own citizens. A serious uprising took place in Massachusetts at the close of the year 1786, in which one thousand armed men under Daniel Shays attempted to interfere with the authority of

the state government. This rebellion had the sympathy of many citizens of Massachusetts as well as of adjoining states. It was promptly suppressed by the firm action of the gov

ernor.

This disturbance in staid old Massachusetts excited comment in all the colonies. Shays and his followers had been opposing the collection of taxes, and the forced payment of private debts; and insisting on the issuing of paper money by the state.

While

281. Movement toward a Stronger Government. the Articles were defective, still they served to keep before the public mind the idea of a union of the states and of the necessity of a national authority. Though the Articles had not gone into operation until March 1, 1781, nevertheless the principles embodied in them had been followed from the first by the Second Continental Congress. While the struggle against the common foe was in progress, patriotism made up for the defects of the Articles; but when that support was removed, each succeeding year but made more evident their total inadequacy to meet the object for which they had been. brought into existence. Wise men in every section saw the necessity of a radical change in the method of government. Just how this change should be accomplished, was the question which confronted all. Suggestions were made by Alexander Hamilton of New York; by leaders in Massachusetts, and in Pennsylvania. Finally in the legislatures of Connecticut, Maryland, and Virginia resolutions were adopted inviting all the states to send delegates to meet at Annapolis, Maryland, for the purpose of considering the state of American trade and all questions relating thereto.

282. The Annapolis Trade Convention-1786.-But five states, however,- New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, and Virginia,-sent delegates. These met on September 11, 1786. A majority of the states not being represented, these delegates deferred action, and at the same time proposed another convention. Congress, in the follow

ing February, indorsed this proposal by asking that a convention meet in Philadelphia in May of 1787 for the "sole purpose of revising the Articles of Confederation."

283. The Northwest Territory. In the meantime Congress was enacting an important piece of legislation—the organization of the Northwest Territory under the ordinance of 1787. The reason Maryland had refused to ratify the Articles of Confederation until 1781 (four years after Congress had passed them) was due to the fact that Virginia, New York, Massachusetts, and Connecticut had at first refused to relinquish their claim to the territory lying north of the Ohio River, and extending from the western limits of New York and Pennsylvania to the Mississippi River-the whole known as the Northwest Territory. These states based their claim on the wording of their charters—that of Virginia reading "from the west by the northwest"; that of the others, "from sea to sea. ""

Maryland and the smaller states, whose charters gave them no claim to the western territory, feared that under the Articles the larger states, with their vast wealth of public land, would take to themselves greater powers; and thus the smaller would receive less of the benefits of the union. the contention Maryland won-the four states concerned agreeing to cede all their public land to the general government. By 1786 this agreement had been complied with.

In

284. The Ordinance of 1787.-This land grant became known as the "public domain," and was organized as a territory by Congress under the "Ordinance of 1787." This ordinance separated the territory into three divisions. When the inhabitants in any one of these divisions should reach 60,000, it was to be admitted as a new state. No land was to be taken until the government had purchased it from the Indians and had announced it to be open to settlement.

A governor was to be appointed until such time as the inhabitants could set up a government of their own-the same to be republican in form. No property or religious