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time of the Revolution had direct supervision of colonial affairs. It dealt directly with the crown on the one hand and with the colonial governors and legislatures on the other, the king usually accepting as final its recommendations.

187. Parliament and the Colonies.-At first the English parliament was practically barred from legislating in the affairs of the colonies. It had usually been the policy of the reigning monarchs of England that in colonial affairs the will of the king was supreme. All land belonged to the king and not to the English government. He could grant land and cancel such grants when he pleased. He could make and revoke charters at his will. All this was somewhat changed during the period of the Commonwealth, when the parliament known as the Long Parliament passed the first Navigation Act (1651). Thereafter parliament continued to legislate on colonial matters. As the years went by, the right of parliament so to legislate was recognized by the English rulers. Particularly did parliament continue to legislate in the regulation of colonial trade.

By an act of parliament, the English postal service was extended to America and the rate of postage established. An act regulating the currency was also passed. However, neither king nor parliament made any attempt to tax the colonies. Such a proposal was made in 1696, but it at once met with opposition both in England and America. A pamphlet was issued in America, protesting against the right of parliament to tax the colonies when the colonies had no representation in parliament. This question was not raised again for nearly seventy years.

188. The Postoffice.-The post office, established in the reign of William and Mary, hardly became a system in America prior to the year 1738. Benjamin Franklin was made deputy postmaster-general for the northern district of the colonies in 1753. He at once reformed the whole system, and the post office became a paying institution under his management. He formed a regular system of officers

and carriers, requiring mails to arrive and depart on schedule time. He originated the plan of advertising "uncalled for letters." Between the important cities he increased the number of mails to three times per week in the summer and once in the winter. Letters were carried by post-riders on horseback. These post-riders were very important personages in those days. They carried the news from post-town to post-town, and were required to watch for runaway slaves or servants.

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POST-RIDER

Beginning with New York as a center, Franklin established three important mail routes: one from New York to Boston, another from New York to Quebec by way of Montreal, and a third from New York to Philadelphia. Regular mail boats were run between New York and Falmouth, England.

When Franklin was removed from office at the breaking out of the Revolution a system of mail routes had been established from New Hampshire to Charleston, South Carolina. None of these, however, penetrated far into the interior of the continent.

189. Political Parties in the Colonies.-Since the seventeenth century two great political parties had existed in England, known as the Whig party and the Tory party. The Tories were in favor of increasing the power of the king; the Whigs were opposed to such a policy-insisting that parliament should have more to do in the affairs of government. These two political parties naturally appeared in the colonies, advocating the principles for which the

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leaders stood in England. After the year 1688 "Tory" in the colonies gave way to "Loyalist"-the name Tory having become a term of reproach on account of the conspiracies set on foot in the old world to replace the house of the Stuarts on the throne of England.

At the time of the Revolution the Whig party in the colonies furthered the movement toward revolution by opposing the king, by advocating popular freedom, and by resisting the laws of parliament. They now revived the hated name of "Tory" and applied it as a term of reproach to the Loyalist party, which advocated loyalty to King George and the laws of parliament.

Many Tories enlisted in the English army during the Revolution and fought with great bitterness against their country. They became a hated class in America. Long before the Revolution had ended, acts of banishment were passed against them by nearly all the colonial legislatures. So unpopular had the Tories become at the close of the war that the vast majority of them left the country when the English troops withdrew.

Before the Revolution began the term "Colonist" had given way to "American"; and "English," to "British." The latter name was first used by the colonists as a term of reproach, and was aimed directly at King George III. and his favorite, Lord Bute, who pompously paraded the fact before the world that they were "true Britons."

190. The Colonists and Their Leaders.-At no time in the history of America has leadership counted for so much as during the colonial and revolutionary period.

The name of Washington, representative of the planter class-lovingly referred to as the "Father of his Country"certainly leads all others; while the name of Franklin,— philosopher, diplomat, and statesman-stands next.

The college bred men were respected in every community where they chanced to reside. Alexander Hamilton of Columbia College-future aid to Washington throughout the

Revolution, and future financier of the republic—and John Jay, also of Columbia, are but representative of this class.

The clergy of New England, indeed, the majority of the clergy in all other sections, were patriotic men,-devoted to spreading the "gospel of liberty" throughout the colonies. The influence of the pulpit then was greater than at the present time. The clergy did more than preach,-"they led and inspired the people; they kept patriotism ́ aflame; they moulded national character." John Witherspoon,— eloquent divine, president of Princeton College, signer of the Declaration,-was but a type of the clergy.

The merchant class was ably represented by John Hancock of Boston, who, with that Puritan patriot, Samuel Adams, did more than all others to hasten the Revolution.

Dr. Joseph Warren, who yielded up his life at Bunker Hill, was a noted physician; Roger Sherman of Connecticut was of the tradespeople, having been a shoemaker in early life. The farmers were represented by the brave Israel Putnam, who, when he heard the news of the battle of Lexington, left his ox team standing at the plow and put off in hot haste on the road to Boston to join the patriot army.

John Adams and James Otis in Massachusetts, supreme in oratory; John Dickinson in Pennsylvania, future author of the "Farmer Letters"; Thomas Jefferson of Virginia, the future author of the Declaration,-eloquent over all others in the use of his pen,—were eminent in the legal profession. Patrick Henry of Virginia, the greatest orator of the Revolution, was also a lawyer. We can almost see him now as he stands in the old St. John's Church on the hill in Richmond saying, with whitened face and uplifted hand, "I know not what course others may take, but as for me, give me liberty or give me death."

This, then, was the leadership which protested against the tyranny of King George, and later confronted him with the Declaration of Independence and made for all time the American Revolution the synonym of American liberty.

CHAPTER VII

THE STRUGGLE FOR INDEPENDENCE

1763-1783

191. Colonial Policy of England.-The attitude of England toward her colonies has always been a consistent one, though at times not the most humane. England has always insisted that her colonies must in some manner contribute to the glory and advancement of the parent country. She has seldom resorted to direct taxation, however. A more effective method of raising revenue has prevailed-that of restrictive trade measures, by means of which commerce has been directed toward England. These measures have not always been mandatory; but if not, trade regulations have been usually so drawn as to favor the English home merchant as against the colonial merchant.

192. Conditions in England.-The years immediately succeeding the "Seven Years' War" were trying ones in England. It is true that an empire had just been gained, but it was at the sacrifice of much blood and treasure. It was urged in England that the English soldier and the English treasury had relieved the colonies from the necessity of constant watchfulness over their ancient enemy, the Indian; that the issue of the war had been to the advantage of the colonies as well as of England; and that, therefore, the colonists, as Englishmen, should be required to meet their share of the expenses of the war. The colonists, on their side, argued that if taxes were to be laid, the colonial legislature must vote them. The colonists could not act in the English parliament, and so the laying of taxes by that body would be "taxation without

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