enthusiasm for the new Party of Freedom. He canvassed for it with unexampled zeal and energy; going from place to place, and often making three speeches a day. Nothing kindles intellect into such a glowing flame as a living coal from the altar of Truth. Those who had previously recog nized Mr. Julian as a man of very promising ability were surprised at the masterful energy and eloquence which he now exhibited. But the more efficiently he advocated unpopular truths, the more he was hated and maligned. Only those who were themselves abolitionists, at that stormy period, can imagine how much he had to encounter from the alienation of friends and relatives, the misrepresentations of political opponents, and the displeasure of former political associates. He was accused of being a general disorganizer of society; of trying to promote bloody insurrections at the South; of intending to cheapen the labor of white men by flooding the North with fugitive slaves; and of the crowning iniquity of promoting marriages between blacks and whites. But though he was persecuted as such a dangerous disturber of the public peace, editors indulged in facetious gibes and jeers concerning the smallness of the audiences he addressed; representing them as consisting mostly of negroes and women." Mr. Julian considered large principles more important than large audiences; and he went on proclaiming Anti-slavery truths to whomsoever would listen, spicing his discourse with pungent sarcasms on all those who proved recreant to the cause of freedom. The armor of his pro-slavery adversaries was full of holes, through which his keen eye and skillful hand could easily pierce them to the marrow of their bones with the sharp arrows of truth. The worst of all was that they knew he was in the right; and his ability to prove it made him the most thoroughly hated man by all the time-servers of that region.

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The result of this fierce struggle between truth and

falsehood, freedom and slavery, was highly creditable to the good sense and correct principles of the people in Mr. Julian's District. They signified their high appreciation of his character by electing him to Congress in 1849. A large portion of the Democratic Party, willing to defeat the Whig ticket by any process, threw their votes for him. This led to charges of "bargain and corruption." But Mr. Julian, who never prowled in dark corners, but always walked abroad in open daylight, had repeatedly and publicly declared that he wanted the vote of no man who did not stand fairly and squarely on the platform of his own avowed principles; and the slander, though oft repeated, was not believed. His election was fairly earned and richly deserved. Probably there was no individual who labored more efficiently than he did to extend the principles of the Free Soil Party, - principles which made California a Free State, rescued Oregon from the curse of Slavery, and culminated in the overwhelming strength and final ascendency of the Republican Party.

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As a Member of Congress Mr. Julian manifested the same uprightness and downrightness of character, which had previously distinguished him. There was then before the House a Bill called the Wilmot Proviso, intended to prevent the extension of Slavery into the new Territories acquired by the war with Mexico. The Slave Power and its servile tools at the North, sought to checkmate the increasing influence of Free Soil principles, by inaugurating an idea which they styled " the doctrine of popular sovereignty;" the plain meaning of which was that the people who settled a Territory had a right to decide whether they would introduce Slavery or not, and that Congress had no right to legislate on the subject. Their plan was to crowd the poor, ignorant whites of the South into the Territories, and by their agency secure the introduction of Slavery; a plan which not long after began to be worked out in the murderous onslaughts of Missouri

ruffians upon the Northern settlers of Kansas. The political tools of the South were very ready to adopt this compromise of free principles disguised under the attractive name of " Popular Sovereignty." But Mr. Julian was alive to the falseness of its pretensions and the danger of its consequences, and he resisted it with all the strength of his earnest nature. In the same spirit, he fought against the Fugitive Slave Bill, which converted the North into a slave-hunting ground for the South. And he also labored strenuously to restrict, as much as possible, the boundaries of Texas, which, by much political manoeuvring, and in palpable violation of the Constitution of the United States, had managed to gain admission into the Union as a new Slave State. He also, at this early day, zealously advocated the Homestead Policy.

The bold, uncompromising ground which he took against the Slave Power, at every turn, enraged those whose self-interest was involved in the corrupt and artful game, while it also alarmed the timid; for much that now appears wise and just, when reviewed in the light of history, then seemed like a dangerous extreme of radicalism. He was again nominated for Congress, in 1851; but his political opponents rallied against him in such force that they defeated his election.

He was not a man to suppress truth, or to consent merely to whisper it, for the sake of the honors and emoluments of office. He still continued to hurl his sharp and wellaimed spears at the powerful and malignant Demon of Slavery. In 1852, he made a speech at Cincinnati on the "Strength and Weakness of the Slave Power," in which he arraigned both Whigs and Democrats as traitors to freedom, and boldly rebuked the time-serving course of the American churches and their clergy. It was in this year that he was nominated by his party for the VicePresidency, on the ticket with John P. Hale. In 1853, he delivered a speech at Indianapolis on "The Signs of the

Times The State of Political Parties." It was a dark hour for the Anti-slavery Cause; but he saw gleams of light around the horizon of the clouded sky, and uttered hopeful prophecies, which subsequent events have confirmed. This speech was extensively circulated in the form of a tract, and did much to sustain the courage and strengthen the hands of the friends of freedom. He seized every opportunity to serve the good cause, whether by public addresses, or wayside conversation. In vain was he denounced, persecuted, and threatened with mob violence; nothing could drive him from the rugged path in which he had chosen to walk, because its end was freedom. In vain was he reminded that he was ruining his prospects in life; nothing could tempt him into the crooked ways of policy. He saw the truth as only honest. souls can see it, and he defended it as only brave souls will. When the mysterious Know Nothing Party suddenly burst upon the public, like an army raised by the touch of a magician's wand, he at once perceived that the movement was contrary to the genius of our government and subversive of its principles; and he did battle with it accordingly. His Speech at Indianapolis, in 1855, was published by Dr. Bailey in the "National Era," and "Facts for the People," and was generally considered the most thorough argumentation of the question. The stand he took on this subject displeased many of his old friends and supporters, and greatly increased the popular hostility he had incurred by joining the Anti-slavery movement. A comparatively small band of freedom, however, adhered to him, and it pretty soon became evident that he was destined to outlive his unpopularity. When the fluctuations of political parties began, in 1856, to tend toward a new form under the name of the National Republican Party, he was chosen a Vice-President of its first Convention at Pittsburg, and Chairman of the Committee of Organization.

But, while politicians considered him an impracticable man, as they invariably do consider every man who will not bend his principles to party policy, his honest, straightforward, daring course commended him to the respect and confidence of the people; and in the face of very formidable opposition, he was elected to Congress in 1860 by an overwhelming vote; and reëlected during four successive terms. Those ten years in Congress bear record of Herculean labor, and unremitting watchfulness over the true interests of the country. He was prominent and active in all the salutary measures connected with the War of the Rebellion. Though he had great respect for President Lincoln, and approved of his administration in the main, he failed not to rebuke that unnecessary timidity and delay on the part of the government, which so greatly increased the expenditure of lives and treasure. Many considered it impolitic to find any fault, lest political opponents should make use of it to their own advantage; but he conceived that the people, in making him their public servant, had placed him on the watch-tower, and that it was his duty to perform the part of a faithful sentinel. He urged the emancipation of the slaves long before it took place, and, in fact, from the beginning of the struggle; he argued in favor of arming the negroes of the South, as an act of justice as well as of military necessity; he maintained that it was a duty to confiscate the lands of rebels, as a measure of war, and also to furnish homesteads for the soldiers and sailors of the United States; he earnestly demanded the punishment of rebel leaders; he labored for the safe reconstruction of Rebel States; he zealously advocated all the amendments to the Constitution for securing universal freedom and equality of civil rights; and he was the first of our public men to demand suffrage for the emancipated slaves.

But while the pro-slavery army, at every change of base, and in all manner of disguises, found him always