A few can never secure the same beneficial results, as the many who co-operate voluntarily towards one common object. Acting through agents has been attempted in all ages, and under nearly every conceivable circumstance, with one invariable result, that we can never secure the same benefits from the action of others, as from our own. It is evidently not in accordance with Nature, that we should derive the same benefits from the acts of others, as from our own; and Nature, as ever, is perfectly right; for could we, by acting through agents, attain the same results as when acting for ourselves, would it not tend to increase idleness and indolence, and cause many men of the highest capacity, to withdraw in the prime of life, from the sphere of their present efforts, which benefit others far more than themselves? And would it not permit the creation of gigantic monopolies, which Nature prevents, by rendering it impossible to act properly and beneficially, through agents? What could prevent large companies from grasping the control of our most important interests, if capitalists could act as efficiently through agents as when acting directly for themselves? The more we examine the effects of delegating duties, functions, and powers, the more clearly will it be seen, that it is perfectly impossible to delegate them, if our own well-being and the general good of all, are the objects to be desired. Functions delegated to others, and particularly to Governments, are either not performed at all, or very imperfectly performed; and, having delegated them to others, we cease to exercise them ourselves, and, consequently, we are deprived of the enjoyment these functions would have produced, had we retained and exercised them ourselves.*

Governments, even when administered by honest men, in the attempt to protect the present interests of man, constantly prevent or impede the advent of that which is to be of vast future benefit to him. Governments only know, and can only attempt to maintain or develop, existing interests; the future interests of humanity cannot be foreseen by them, for man has no knowledge of what the future has in store for him. Therefore, we constantly see Governments and human laws,

* See Herbert Spencer's Essay on Over-Legislation,

from ignorance as well as from dishonesty, attempt to crush the rising interests that are to replace, advantageously, existing interests, which are thus attempted to be perpetuated beyond their natural existence, after they have ceased to be useful. It is an attempt to prolong, artificially, the existence of a useless pigmy, by crushing at his birth, the infant giant that is to confer untold blessings on humanity! No truly beneficial action requires governmental protection or assistance to insure its continuance. It is only an injurious or useless action that requires the intervention of Government to insure its perpetuation. But, thanks to the All-wise, All-powerful Creator, who has so perfectly ordered all things, the effects of Governments and human laws are invariably overcome by the natural laws, which alone control all things. Human laws invariably end by being annulled, either by being disregarded and thus becoming a dead letter, or by being repealed because felt to be injurious and unendurable.*

Monopolies are generally admitted to be injurious, but what constant efforts have not Governments made to establish and maintain monopolies! and these efforts have not ceased yet, notwithstanding the general condemnation of monopolies, and the experience of the past as to the evils they produce. If monopolies are not universal to-day, it is entirely due to the fact that every natural law is opposed to them, and that man has never yet been able to overcome natural laws, although he has constantly and persistently attempted it. Now monopoly is only another word for the possession of centralized power, and it yet remains to be shown that any monopoly has proved beneficial. And if the centralization of power and monopolies are identical in their nature, as they undoubtedly are, is not the decentralization of power absolutely indispensable to man's well-being and progress? Is not the centralization of power, the delegation of power to a distant agent,—a great injury and a source of wrong to all-of benefit to none? For even the very Government functionaries themselves, it can be easily demonstrated, could obtain in industrial and other bene

No human laws can last forever; the eternal laws of Nature alone are fitted to control us perpetually.-(La Politique Naturelle, by Baron d'Holbach, vol. i., p. 69.)

ficial occupations, much greater results than they obtain at their present injurious occupations. The proof of this is the well-known fact that, everywhere, office-holders under Governments receive less remuneration, and attain fewer great prizes, than the same order of intelligence in any other career. The possession of power invariably leads, sooner or later, to its abuse. Centralization of power alone has permitted wars to be carried on in modern times, since industry and commerce have become the great sources of the well-being of all. Power is centralized on the plea that it is necessary for the defence of the country and the rights of the individual; but it is no sooner secured, than it is used for aggression on other countries, and on the just rights of the individual. The career of Louis Napoleon is a recent example of this universal principle. Were Governments limited everywhere to mere local Government, wars would become impossible. European wars have generally for object or excuse, the maintenance of the balance of power between the present States or nations. Reduce Governments entirely to local Government, say of counties, and the balance of power becomes perfect, and war is, forever after, without this excuse. The boundaries of nationalities are the landmarks that divide the possessions of the governors; of those who live at the expense, and to the great injury, of the governed. The maintenance of these landmarks may be of interest to the governors, but certainly not to the governed; and the people, as soon as they correctly comprehend their true interests, will cause these landmarks to disappear forever. The whole of humanity forms one great family, over which our Father in Heaven rules with paternal tenderness, by means of his immutable, beneficent, laws. It is perfectly immaterial to all of us, who it is that supplies our wants, so long as they are regularly provided for; or who it is that consumes the results of our own efforts, so long as there is a regular demand for them. A bushel of wheat raised in Canada, is just as beneficial to a laborer, as a bushel of wheat raised in Illinois, Ohio, or New-York. The great point to the laborer, and to all, is, who will supply the greatest amount of anything in exchange for the smallest possible amount of our labor, or of the results of our labor.

If the Canadian can supply wheat cheaper than the

farmer of Ohio or Illinois, the latter should cease to produce wheat, and turn his attention to something else. Why does machinery by superseding manual labor, benefit all classes? Is it not because it leaves the labor formerly occupied in satisfying one want, free to direct itself to the supplying of other wants, without depriving us of any satisfaction previously enjoyed? Is not man happier with two wants supplied than with one, particularly when the supplying of the two wants only requires the same effort formerly made to supply the one? Governmental interference with labor and industry, is always urged on the plea that without governmental protection, labor would have insufficient occupation. Now the truth is, that there are no limits to man's wants but his ability to supply them; and, therefore, whenever any one will supply any want we formerly provided for ourselves, it leaves us free to address ourselves to the supplying of some want previously ungratified. Labor can never be without ample occupation so long as machinery and the natural forces do not supply, spontaneously, all our wants; and should such a miracle ever occur, it would, evidently, not be the laborers who would suffer from its effects. There is, in fact, no valid excuse for the slightest interference by Governments with industry and commerce; and these once left entirely unrestricted, how greatly would the functions and expenditures, as well as the evils, of Governments be diminished!

The greater the interference of Government in the actions of the individual, the greater becomes the cost of Government, and the greater the opportunities to abuse the power delegated to its functionaries; the greater, also, become the number of the non-producing members of the community, and the lesser become the results of individual efforts, for these are diminished by every interference on the part of Government. The freer men are in all their actions, the greater will be the beneficial results of these actions-for, thanks to the natural laws which so wisely and beneficially control man's actions, a man can only benefit himself permanently, when left to his own resources, by conferring benefits on his fellow-men,* who gen

* God has disposed the nature and constitution of rational creatures after such a manner, that they cannot advance their private, without contributing something to the public interest. Community does not exclude the pursuit of private advantage.—(Arian, Phil. Epicteteæ, lib. i., ch. xix.)

erally remunerate him for his efforts in proportion to the necessity they feel for the results of these efforts. Can any other motive be as powerful, as constant, and as certain of inducing beneficial efforts, as this admirable provision of Nature?

Governments and human laws, by limiting or prohibiting individual action, invariably tend to maintain uniformity in men and in things; whereas the true interests of humanity require the greatest possible diversity of occupations, of opinions, of tastes, of actions; and to secure this diversity, entire liberty of individual action is requisite.* Nothing else can produce it. When Governments attempt to control the edu cation, the occupations, and the opinions and morals of the individual, they produce and maintain an unnatural uniformity of character, occupation, and mind, which prevents, not only the development and supply of new wants, but also the proper supply of existing wants.

Another reason for the non-interference of Government in the actions of the individual is, that man's wants vary in accordance with his position, his wealth, his intelligence, his habits, &c., &c. How can any one but himself judge which of his various wants is most imperious at any given moment? No one should, therefore, ever be forced to do any act against his own inclinations, no matter how advantageous or how necessary it may appear to others, except it be to prevent him from infringing the just rights of others.

Man either is, or is not, organized to govern and control his own actions beneficially to himself. If he is so organized, all

* Now, as individuals differ greatly from each other, in intelligence, sagacity, energy, perseverance, skill, habits of industry and economy, physical power, position and opportunity,-the necessary effect of leaving all free to exert themselves to better their condition, must be a corresponding inequality between those who may possess these qualities and advantages in a high degree, and those who may be deficient in them. The only means by which this result can be prevented are, either to impose such restrictions on the exertions of those who may possess them in a high degree, as will place them on a level with those who do not, or to deprive them of the fruits of their exertions. But to impose such restrictions on them, would be destructive of liberty,— while, to deprive them of the fruits of their exertions, would be to destroy the desire of bettering their condition. This inequality of condition between the front and rear ranks, in the march of progress, gives to progress its greatest impulse. To force the front rank back to the rear, or attempt to push forward the rear into line with the front, by the interposition of the Government, would put an end to the impulse, and effectually arrest the march of progress, -(John C. Calhoun, on Government, p. 57.)