the master minds of that nation; more particularly that of the great jurist, Jeremy Bentham, whose works exercised a powerful influence on his mind. On his return to Paris, after the fall

It

of Charles X., he became a candidate for the position of professor of political economy at the college of France; but P. Rossi succeeded in obtaining the post. The Traité de Législation and its continuation under the title of Traité de la Proprieté, form a commentary upon the legislation and systems of government of the world, and illustrate the basis of true liberty in its strongest possible light. Part of the third and the whole of the fourth volume is devoted almost exclusively to the subject of slavery. He examines that institution in all its details, and exhausts the subject completely, by the fulness of his illustrations and the irresistible force of his logic. was the most powerful anti-slavery philippic ever written by man, and no one, nay, not even the most ardent defender of slavery can fail to be convinced, by the arguments of Comte, of the demoralizing effect upon both the oppressed and the dominant class, more particularly the latter, wherever slavery exists. An interval of seven years elapsed between the publication of the first and second part of his work. These years were employed by Comte in devotion to public affairs, as a member of the French chamber of deputies, but he withdrew from this position as a task uncongenial to his tastes. On retiring, he left the following opinion upon record in reference to the filling of public posts:

"After the revolution of 1830, having been called to fill various public posts, and having imagined that it would not be impossible for me to serve my countrymen in my new vocation, I suspended, for the time being, the execution of the project I had formed of completing the work of which four volumes had already been published, as early as 1826 and 1827. But experience soon dissipated these illusions, and served to convince me that there were epochs when men of independent thought, and who desire to preserve their liberties of conscience, should resign all participation in the active administration of government. I therefore returned with renewed pleasure to the execution of my original pro

ject, and the following volumes are the results of this determination."

The principal object of the works in question was to show the natural bases of property, and the true spirit of legislation. In doing so, Comte combated both the Contrat Social of Rousseau, and L'Esprit des Lois of Montesquieu. It is almost needless to observe that the groundwork of Rousseau's speculations upon human government, in his admirably written but in many respects pernicious essay on society and government, published under the title of the Contrat Social, was the theory that the authority of all human government was derived from an original contract made by man to subject his individuality to the will of society.

Comte proved that this original contract is a fiction-a mere creation of Rousseau's fancy-and that on the contrary the whole authority of government rests upon the consent of the governed. The leading error of Montesquieu, which Comte devoted himself to combat, was the theory that property exists by virtue of law alone-is a creation of the law-from which follows the necessary corollary that law has absolute control and undoubted authority over individual property. Comte, on the other hand, proved that property existed anterior to law; that law was evoked by virtue of the existence of property; that property, therefore, is superior to law; and that all 1..ws. which impair the rights of property are laws made in opposition to the very objects of legislation and law; hence invalid and wrong-being then merely acts of spoliation under the guise and semblance of law.

*M. Charles Comte and Charles Dunoyer published together the Censeur European a periodical devoted to social, politico-economical, and political subjects. The work brought upon its editors numberless difficulties. The independeuce of its tone became obnoxious to the government, and the editors having published an interdicted article, they were sentenced to pay a fine of 2,000 francs each, and to undergo imprisonment for the period of two mouths. Comte fled to Switzerland, where he received the appointment of Professor of International Law at the University of Lausanne. A demand having been made upon Switzerland by the French Government, to exile Comte, which demand was refused, and matters wearing a threatening aspect, Comte, urged by the desire not to involve the gallant nation which offered him an asylum, in any difficulties by reason of his presence, voluntarily departed from Switzerland for England, where he remained until a change in the government rendered it safe for him to return to France.

Comte was followed by P. Rossi, who was his successful competitor for the professorship of political economy at the French University. Though Rossi did not extend the domain of political economy, he is, nevertheless, entitled to great credit for the manner in which he elucidated the principles of the science as then understood. The clearness and freshness exhibited in his Cours d'Economie Poiitique is truly marvellous, when we take into consideration that French was not Rossi's native tongue; but further than this he did not go. To say that he was for the most absolute free trade is simply to declare that he was an economist who understood the principles of his science. He accepted the Malthusian doctrine of Population, and the Ricardo theory of Rent.

Charles Dunoyer, who was associated with Comte in the publication of the Censeur, in his Liberté du Travail held language to the people as bold as Comte did to their governors. He showed to them that the majority of their miseries arose not from the vicious organization of things, but from their own improvidence and ignorance. But his labors did not end here; he examined in detail the various industries of man, and arrived at one general conclusion, that liberty is the only means to further progress and general wellbeing. Political economy, however, entered upon a new sphere through the genius of Frederic Bastiat. Frederic Bastiat drew attention to his genius by a series of most delightful and witty pamphlets upon politico-economical subjects-more especially discussions and illustrations of the principles of Free Trade. The hitherto dry questions of political economy were handled by him with a skill and an address such as had never before been evinced upon kindred subjects. These pamphlets were published some time in the years 1848 and 1849, and attracted attention throughout Europe. He had a lengthy discussion with Proudhon upon the legitimacy of interest, and for once, that redoubtable socialist was vanquished with his own weapons. But the work upon which will rest the imperishable fame of Bastiat is his Harmonies Economiques, which he unfortunately never lived to complete. There remains, however, enough to have given a new phase to all politico-economical studies.

The basis of this work is the theory, then novel and original with Bastiat, but now accepted by all economists of merit the world over, that all the really legitimate interests of man are harmonious. That natural laws control as well the action of man as the rest of the domain of nature, and that legislation is, as a general rule, a mere hindrance and impediment to the full, free, and harmonious operation of these natural laws. Bastiat's work has served to tear down the arbitrary limits of the science, and extend its domain into that of Social Science.

In Germany, until quite recently, hut little progress had been made in political economy. The German mind seems to have been so completely immersed in transcendental speculations and metaphysical studies, that the thinkers of that most thoroughly intellectual people of the globe seemed to have no time to devote to the mundane affairs of life. List's work on National Political Economy is a plea for protection; therefore cannot be properly regarded a politico-economical work. Contemporaneously, Professors Rau and Roscher have advanced the study of political economy in Germany. Their works on the subject are excellent text books, and contain much statistical material for purposes of reference. The practical labors of Schulze Delitzsch should not be forgotten. Delitzsch has revolutionized the labor market of Germany by the organization of his trades, and popular loan and credit associations.

In England, of late years, nothing of importance upon the subject of Political Economy has been produced, except the publication of John Stuart Mill's work and Herbert Spencer's Social Statics.

Mr. Mill's work is a general resumé of the present status of political economy. A profound thinker, a close logician and conscientious critic, familiar with the languages and literature of modern Europe, he has given to English and American students of the science the best standard work on political economy. But he has not advanced its domain.

Herbert Spencer's works and merits as an economist and philosopher upon social questions, we have treated of in our last number. He has made political economy the groundwork for a thoroughly scientific and logical treatise upon

Sociology. His Social Statics is a philosophy of human progress, and illustrates the conditions essential to human happiness. Liberty is the alpha and omega of this philosophy. If there are any wrongs in the social system which require redress; if we see injustices and great inequalities in social conditions, the universal panacea is enlarged liberty. Spencer is a scientist of almost universal attainments, and as such, he could not help but enlarge the domain of thought in any particular department of science of which he may treat. The broader our knowledge of facts in every department of science, the wider will be our generalizations in any particular department. The man who is a mere lawyer, who has trained his mind to the conception of but one class of legal facts, whose faculties are trained to run in but a certain limit of empirically decided causes, becomes a mere machine, useful to society, and in all probability successful in a pecuniary point of view. Yet as a man he is a failure. Such a one is an intellectual monstrosity, precisely as one who has developed by gymnastic exercises solely the muscles of his arms, so that with the biceps muscular development of a Winship he has the trunk muscles of a Fejee Islander. It is the same in the case of any other profession or avocation. The division of employment, while, in an economical point of view, of the utmost advantage to the world, has drawbacks to the individual of a very serious nature.

A few years ago, Minghetti, the Italian minister of finance, president of the council, and one of the leading, if not the leading, economist of Italy, published a valuable treatise upon the relations of moral duty, law, and political economy. This work has since been translated into French by M. Saint Germain Leduc, with an introduction written by Hipp. Passy. The intention of the work is to show the interconnection between moral duty and the principles of political economy, and the harmony that should exist between them. Mr. Minghetti shows great familiarity with the principles of political economy, and has devoted himself to the task of combining moral science, law, and political economy into one harmonious whole.

The whole Italian school of political economists has been free from the artificial restrictions which have been imposed upon the study of this science elsewhere. In Italy, from the