sence of strong countervailing testimony, be deemed conclusive evidence that such States, and the people thereof, are not then in rebellion against the United States."

What if the Confederate leaders had given up their struggle before January 1, 1863? Nos. January 1, 1863, Mr. Lincoln issued the Proclamation, declaring all slaves as free in certain States, and parts of States, which he designated, as he had set forth in the warning of September 22, 1862.

This Proclamation did not touch such States as Maryland and Kentucky.The slaves in the other Southern States were practically set free as the Union armies advanced, conquering the country. But emancipation needed more than the President's Proclamation, as he had said before it was issued, and as he showed afterward in urging an amendment to the Constitution, forever abolishing and prohibiting slavery in the United States.

Mr. Dana, who was the devoted friend and the earnest champion of Mr. Lincoln through all the "storm and stress" of those eventful days, states the truth of the case in his review of President Welling's paper: "No doubt the proclamation of January 1, 1863, though such were not its terms, brought about a system of progressive military emancipation, taking effect as we advanced. But for the prohibition of slavery thereafter in the conquered States, under their Constitutions, as well as

in the loyal States, very different action was required. The abolition of the slave system, as it stood in the Constitutions of so many States, was beyond the reach of the military power of the President, or of Congress. It called for the ultimate, sovereign legislative action of 'we, the people of the United States,' in the form of an amendment to the Constitution; and this, when adopted, precluded all question as to attempted past emancipation or abolition by proclamation."

No man knew better than Mr. Lincoln that his Proclamation did not secure freedom to the slaves. On this point President Welling says: "With a candor which did him honor he made no pretense of concealing its manifold infirmities either from his own eyes, or from the eyes of the people, so soon as Congress proposed, in a way of undoubted constitutionality and of undoubted efficacy, to put an end to slavery every-where in the Union by an amendment to the Constitution. Remarking on that amendment at the time of its proposal, he/ said, [President Welling here quotes Raymond's "Life and State Papers of Abraham Lincoln:"] ‘A question might be raised as to whether the Proclamation was legally valid. It might be added that it aided only those who came into our lines, and that it was inoperative as to those who did not give themselves up; or that it would have no effect upon the children of those born hereafter; in fact,

be urged that it did not meet the evil. amendment is a king's cure for all evils; the whole thing up."

egro's title to freedom does not rest in Mr. s Proclamation, but in the Amendment to stitution of the United States. No doubt gic of events," the triumph of the Union and the complete and final overthrow of the erate Government, gave tremendous potency Lincoln's Proclamation; but the negro's o his freedom is found in the amendments Constitution of the United States, which rst adopted by Congress, and made complete e ratification of the several States.

s is the language of the "amendment" which. legality to the negro's freedom, and guaranit to him and to his children forever: ARTICLE XIII.-Section 1. Neither slavery nor luntary servitude, except as a punishment for e, whereof the party shall have been duly coned, shall exist within the United States, or any ce subject to their jurisdiction.

Section 2. Congress shall have power to enforce s article by appropriate legislation."

Whether the human instruments, used by God's ovidence to effect the emancipation of the negroes, ere wise or just in their methods, I do not discuss. est or worst, it was done in this way, and it is done orever. That Mr. Lincoln was truly opposed to

slavery I do not doubt; that his Proclamation received the approval of the majority of the Christian world, I do not doubt; that the fact of emancipation -if not the mode-now receives the approval of those whom it made poor for a time, I do not doubt. Whatever may have been the secret thoughts and struggles of Mr. Lincoln's mind; however his Proclamation may have been precipitated by the exigencies of a colossal war and by the urgency of the most vigorous section of the party that put him in power; however emancipation might have been delayed had the great question in dispute of battle been compromised while the war was still in progress; however pleasing Mr. Lincoln's course may have been to the majority of the Northern people; and however displeasing it may have been to the Southern people, this much at least is clear, the slaves are all free, and their freedom is recognized by all men every-where. And to me it is unthinkable that the providence of God, overruling all thingsthe good and the evil, the wise and the unwise methods and purposes of men on both sides of the contest-did not give freedom to the slaves, for their own good, for the good of the white race, for the good of two continents, and for the glory of his Son, Jesus Christ, the Saviour of men.

Aman!!

"Finis

1-2-22.

Start 1-3-22.

THE

CHAPTER VIII.

THE FREEDMAN MADE A CITIZEN.

HE emancipated negroes are citizens. They were made citizens by amendments to the Constitution of the United States. The amendments were ordained by the conjoined action of Congress and of a sufficient number of States to meet the constitutional requirement in such a case.

The vital points in these amendments, so far as the negro's citizenship is concerned, are found in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments. The Fourteenth reads:

"Section 1. All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside. No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law, nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws."

The Fifteenth Amendment reads:

"Section 1. The right of citizens of the United