I have the following facts: From 1865 to January 1, 1881, the Society donated for building churches, in round numbers, $830,000. Of the whole amount, not less than $350,000 have been expended in the Southern States, and of the $350,000 nearly $200,000 have been used for the benefit of the colored people. Of their "loan fund"—used only in loans-less than $200,000 have been in use in the Southern States, and of this amount, about $50,000 among the colored people. The Society has aided 3,068 churches throughout the country; of the whole number, about 1,600 are in the Southern States, and of the 1,600, not less than 1,000 are for the use of the colored people.

Other Churches, whose reports are not available, have done much good. And many thousands of dollars have been given by benevolent individuals, whose benefactions do not appear in any published statistics.

No doubt they are recorded where they will never be forgotten.

The Presbyterians (of the North for the most part) have done a great work in the education of the negroes. Mr. Eaton reports for them, two normal schools in the South; three "institutions for secondary instruction;" one university, the Biddle, located at Charlotte, North Carolina, and one at Oxford, Pennsylvania. The Episcopalians have

ished two normal schools and seven schools

ondary instruction." The Friends have

ISE men, who wish the negro well and
ISE

have the best interests of the countr heart, will not confine their attention to his voting seems to me, as heretofore intimated, that his im ance as a voter has been greatly exaggerated, n to his hurt. I say this not because he is a ne but upon the general principle that the man more consequence than the voter. Voting is the main business of life; determining election not the chief end of a man, whether of a black of a white man. He not only has other duties functions to perform, but others more import A citizen does not render his greatest service society by the act of depositing a ballot, but by right living. What is he? What does he do? he a producer? Does he add any value, mater intellectual, or moral, to the resources of his co munity and of the country? Is his personal in ence good? Is his family life a salt-savor amo his children and neighbors? Is the man as well the voter what he ought to be?

If we must stick on this ballot question, then

have this to say, a man's real value in politics depends upon his value in the community. Voting is, indeed, important, but it is incidental. A man votes, we will suppose, two or three times a year, or oftener, as the case may be. But he is a member of the community three hundred and sixty-five days in the year. Now, what is he in the community? Is his influence, whether it be great or small, on the right side of morals and progress? This aspect of the question no thoughtful person can overlook, or undervalue. For it is real, practical, abiding.

The negro is a neighbor. Perhaps there is little or no intercourse between the cabin and the mansion, or between the cabin and the cottage, or even between two cabins, a white family in one and a colored family in the other. (But I do think there is more intercourse between "mansion" and "cabin" in the South than between "brown-stone front" and "garret" in the great cities.) But the negro is a neighbor all the same, and, by his very existence and presence, a power for good or evil. If we leave the higher considerations of duty, and find the lowest place for our argument-the self-interest, the mere convenience and comfort, of the dominant race-it is important that this negro, this humblest member of the community, be a good man, a man of right views, sentiments, habits, and associations. It is important to both races that their relations be not only friendly but mutually