honored with a seat on this floor. They imply, to my apprehension, a total and fundamental change of the policy pursued by this government, ab urbe condita-from the foundation of the republic, to the present day. Are we, sir, to go on a crusade, in another hemisphere, for the propagation of two objects-objects as dear and delightful to my heart as to that of any gentleman in this, or in any other assembly-liberty and religion-and, in the name of these holy words-by this powerful spell, is this nation to be conjured and persuaded out of the highway of heaven

out of its present comparatively happy state, into all the disastrous conflicts arising from the policy of European powers, with all the consequences which flow from them?

has gone as far as it can go, short of an offi- trines broached in this debate, fraught cial act of hostility. This resolution adds with consequences more disastrous to the nothing beyond what is already done- best interests of this people than any that nor can any of the European governments I have ever heard advanced during the take offence at such a measure. But if five-and-twenty years that I have been they would, should we be withheld from an honest expression of liberal feelings in the cause of freedom, for fear of giving umbrage to some member of the holy alliance? We are not, surely, yet prepared to purchase their smiles by a sacrifice of every manly principle. Dare any Christian prince even ask us not to sympathize with a Christian nation struggling against Tartar tyranny? We do not interfere--we break no engagements-we violate no treaties; with the Porte we have none. Mr. Chairman, there are some things which, to be well done, must be promptly done. If we even determine to do the thing that is now proposed, we may do it too late. Sir, I am not of those who are for withholding aid when it is most urgently needed, and when the stress is past, and the aid no longer necessary, overwhelming the sufferers with caresses. I will not stand by and see my fellow man drowning without stretching out a hand to help him, till he has by his own efforts and presence of mind reached the shore in safety, and then encumber him with aid. With suffering Greece now is the crisis of her fate, her great, it may be, her last struggle. Sir, while we sit here deliberating, her destiny may be decided. The Greeks, contending with ruthless oppressors, turn their eyes to us, and invoke us by their ancestors, slaughtered wives and children, by their own blood, poured out like water, by the hecatombs of dead they have heaped up as it were to heaven, they invoke, they implore us for some cheering sound, some look of sympathy, some token of compassionate regard. They look to us as the great republic of the earth-and they ask us by our common faith, whether we can forget that they are struggling, as we once struggled, for what we now so happily enjoy? I cannot say, sir, that they will succeed; that rests with heaven. But for myself, sir, if I should to-morrow hear that they have failed that their last phalanx had sunk beneath the Turkish cimeter, that the flames of their last city had sunk in its ashes, and that naught remained but the wide melancholy waste where Greece once was, I should still reflect, with the most heartfelt satisfaction, that I have asked you in the name of seven millions of freemen, that you would give them at least the cheering of one friendly voice.

Liberty and religion, sir! I believe that nothing similar to this proposition is to be found in modern history, unless in the famous decree of the French national assembly, which brought combined Europe against them, with its united strength, and, after repeated struggles, finally effected the downfall of the French power. Sir, I am wrong-there is another example of like doctrine; and you find it among that strange and peculiar people-in that mysterious book, which is of the highest authority with them, (for it is at once their gospel and their law,) the Koran, which enjoins it to be the duty of all good Moslems to propagate its doctrines at the point of the sword-by the edge of the cimeter. The character of that people is a peculiar one: they differ from every other race. It has been said, here, that it is four hundred years since they encamped in Europe. Sir, they were encamped, on the spot where we now find them, before this country was discovered, and their title to the country which they occupy is at least as good as ours. They hold their possessions there by the same title by which all other countries are held possession, obtained at first by a successful employment of force, confirmed by time, usage, prescription-the best of all possible titles. Their policy has been not tortuous, like that of other states of Europe, but straightforward: they had invariably appealed to the sword, and they held by the sword. The Russ had, indeed, made great encroachments on their empire, but the ground had been contested inch by inch; and the acquisitions of Russia on the side of Christian EuropeLivonia, Ingria, Courland-Finland, to the Gulf of Bothnia-Poland!-had been greater than that of the Mahometans. And, in consequence of this straightfor

But, sir, we have already done more than this. The president of the United States, the only organ of communication which the people have seen fit to establish between us and foreign powers, has already expressed all, in reference to Greece, that the resolution goes to express actum estit is done-it is finished-there is an end. Not, that I would have the house to infer, that I mean to express any opinion as to the policy of such a declaration-the practice of responding to presidential addresses and messages had gone out for, now, these two or three-and-twenty years.

ward policy to which I before referred, this | harmony; the advocates of a fireside polpeculiar people could boast of being the icy-for, as had been truly said, as long as only one of the continental Europe, whose all is right at the fireside, there cannot be capital had never been insulted by the much wrong elsewhere-whether, I repeat, presence of a foreign military force. It does not the doctrine of Puttendorf apply was a curious fact, well worthy of atten- as well to the words of the resolution as to tion, that Constantinople was the only the words of the holy alliance? capital in continental Europe-for Moscow was the true capital of Russia-that had never been in possession of an enemy. It is, indeed, true, that the Empress Catharine did inscribe over the gate of one of the cities that she had won in the Krimea, (Cherson, I think,) "the road to Byzantium;" but, sir, it has proved-perhaps too low a word for the subject-but a stumpy road for Russia. Who, at that day, would have been believed, had he foretold to that august (for so she was) and illustrious woman that her Cossacks of the Ukraine, and of the Don, would have encamped in Paris before they reached Constantinople? Who would have been believed, if he had foretold that a French invading forcesuch as the world never saw before, and, I trust, will never again see-would lay Moscow itself in ashes? These are considerations worthy of attention, before we embark in the project proposed by this resolution, the consequences of which no human eye can divine.

Extract from Mr. Hayne's Speech against the Tariff Bill, in Congress,

January, 1832.

MR. PRESIDENT,-The plain and seemingly obvious truth, that in a fair and equal exchange of commodities all parties gained, is a noble discovery of modern times. The I would respectfully ask the gentleman contrary principle naturally led to comfrom Massachusetts, whether in his very mercial rivalries, wars, and abuses of all able and masterly argument-and he has sorts. The benefits of commerce being resaid all that could be said upon the sub-garded as a stake to be won, or an advanject, and more than I supposed could be tage to be wrested from others by fraud or said by any man in favor of his resolution by force, governments naturally strove to se-whether he himself has not furnished an cure them to their own subjects; and when answer to his speech-I had not the happi- they once set out in this wrong direction, ness myself to hear his speech, but a friend it was quite natural that they should not has read it to me. In one of the argu-stop short till they ended in binding, in the ments in that speech, toward the conclu- bonds of restriction, not only the whole sion, I think, of his speech, the gentleman country, but all of its parts. Thus we are lays down, from Puffendorf, in reference told that England first protected by her to the honeyed words and pious profes- restrictive policy, her whole empire against sions of the holy alliance, that these are all the world, then Great Britain against all surplusage, because nations are always the colonies, then the British islands supposed to be ready to do what justice against each other, and ended by vainly and national law require. Well, sir, if attempting to protect all the great interests this be so, why may not the Greeks pre- and employment of the state by balancing sume-why are they not, on this principle, them against each other. Sir, such a system, bound to presume, that this government is carried fully out, is not confined to rival nadisposed to do ali, in reference to them, tions, but protects one town against another, that they ought to do, without any formal considers villages, and even families as resolutions to that effect? I ask the gen-rivals; and cannot stop short of "Robintleman from Massachusetts, whether the son Crusoe in his goat skins." It takes doctrine of Puffendorf does not apply as but one step further to make every man strongly to the resolution as to the declara- his own lawyer, doctor, farmer, and shoetion of the allies-that is, if the resolution maker-and, if I may be allowed an Irishof the gentleman be indeed that almost nothing he would have us suppose, if there be not something behind this nothing which divides this house (not horizontally, as the gentleman has ludicrously said-but vertically) into two unequal parties, one the advocate of a splendid system of crusades, the other the friends of peace and

ism, his own seamstress and washerwoman. The doctrine of free trade, on the contrary, is founded on the true social system. It looks on all mankind as children of a common parent-and the great family of nations as linked together by mutual interests. Sir, as there is a religion, so I believe there is a politics of nature. Cast your eyes over

Robed in a little brief authority,

Plays such fantastic tricks before high heaven,
As make the angels weep?"

this various earth-see its surface diversi- collected wisdom? Sir, can we forget the fied by hills and valleys, rocks, and fertile advice of a great statesman to his sonfields. Notice its different productions-"Go, see the world, my son, that you may its infinite varieties of soil and climate. See learn with how little wisdom mankind is the mighty rivers winding their way to the governed." And is our own government very mountain's base, and thence guiding an exception to this rule, or do we not find man to the vast ocean, dividing, yet con- here, as every where else, that necting nations. Can any man who con"Man, proud man, siders these things with the eye of a philosopher, not read the design of the great Creator (written legibly in his works) that his children should be drawn together in a free commercial intercourse, and mutual exchanges of the various gifts with which a bountiful Providence has blessed them. Commerce, sir, restricted even as she has been, has been the great source of civilization and refinement all over the world. Next to the Christian religion, I consider free trade in its largest sense as the greatest blessing that can be conferred upon any people. Hear, sir, what Patrick Henry, the great orator of Virginia, whose soul was the very temple of freedom, says on this subject:

"Why should we fetter commerce? If a man is in chains, he droops and bows to the earth, because his spirits are broken, but let him twist the fetters from his legs, and he will stand erect. Fetter not commerce! Let her be as free as the air. She will range the whole creation, and return on the four winds of heaven to bless the land with plenty."

The gentleman has appealed to the example of other nations. Sir, they are all against him. They have had restrictions enough, to be sure; but they are getting heartily sick of them, and in England, particularly, would willingly get rid of them if they could. We have been assured, by the declaration of a minister of the crown, from his place in parliament, "that there is a growing conviction, among all men of sense and reflection in that country, that the true policy of all nations is to be found in unrestricted industry. Sir, in England they are now retracing their steps, and endeavoring to relieve themselves of the system as fast as they can. Within a few years past, upwards of three hundred statutes, imposing restrictions in that country, have been repealed; and a case has recently occurred there, which seems to leave no doubt that, if Great Britain has grown great, it is, as Mr. Huskisson has declared, "not in consequence of, but in spite of their restrictions." The silk manufacture, protected by enormous bounties, was found to be in such a declining condition, that the government was obliged to do something to save it from total ruin. And what did they do? They considerably reduced the duty on foreign silks, both on the raw material and the manufactured article. The consequence was the immediate revival of the silk manufacture, which has since been nearly doubled.

But, it has been said, that free trade would do very well, if all nations would adopt it; but as it is, every nation must protect itself from the effect of restrictions by countervailing measures. I am persuaded, sir, that this is a great, a most fatal error. If retaliation is resorted to for the honest purpose of producing a redress of the grievance, and while adhered to no longer than there is a hope of success, it may, like war itself, be sometimes just and necessary. But if it have no such object, Sir, the experience of France is equally "it is the unprofitable combat of seeing decisive. Bonaparte's effort to introduce which can do the other the most harm." cotton and sugar has cost that country The case can hardly be conceived in which millions; and, but the other day, a foolish permanent restrictions, as a measure of re- attempt to protect the iron mines spread taliation, could be profitable. In every devastation through half of France, and possible situation, a trade, whether more nearly ruined the wine trade, on which one or less restricted, is profitable, or it is not. fifth of her citizens depend for subsistence. This can only be decided by experience, As to Spain, unhappy Spain, "fenced and if the trade be left to regulate itself, round with restrictions," her experience, water would not more naturally seek its one would suppose, would convince us, if level, than the intercourse adjust itself to anything could, that the protecting system the true interest of the parties. Sir, as to in politics, like bigotry in religion, was utthis idea of the regulation by government terly at war with sound principles and a of the pursuits of men, I consider it as a liberal and enlightened policy. Sir, I say, remnant of barbarism disgraceful to an en- in the words of the philosophical statesman lightened age, and inconsistent with the of England, "leave a generous nation free first principles of rational liberty. I hold to seek their own road to perfection." government to be utterly incapable, from | Thank God, the night is passing away, and its position, of exercising such a power we have lived to see the dawn of a glorious wisely, prudently, or justly. Are the day. The cause of free trade must and will rulers of the world the depositaries of its prosper, and finally triumph. The politi

cal economist is abroad; light has come into the world; and, in this instance at least, men will not " prefer darkness rather than light." Sir, let it not be said, in after times, that the statesmen of America were behind the age in which they lived-that they initiated this young and vigorous country into the enervating and corrupting practices of European nations-and that, at the moment when the whole world were looking to us for an example, we arrayed ourselves in the cast-off follies and exploded errors of the old world, and, by the introduction of a vile system of artificial stimulants and political gambling, impaired the healthful vigor of the body politic, and brought on a decrepitude and premature dissolution.

allowed the new states twelve and a half instead of ten per cent.; but as that was objected to by the president, in his veto message, and has been opposed in other quarters, I thought it best to restrict the allowance to the more moderate sum. The bill also contains large and liberal grants of land to several of the new states, to place them upon an equality with others to which the bounty of congress has been heretofore extended, and provides that, when other new states shall be admitted into the union, they shall receive their share of the common fund.

What

Mr. President, I have ever regarded, with feelings of the profoundest regret, the decision which the president of the United States felt himself induced to make on the bill of 1833. If the bill had passed, about twenty millions of dollars would have been, Mr. Clay's Speech on his Public Lands Bill. during the last three years, in the hands of MR. PRESIDENT,-Although I find my- the several states, applicable by them to self borne down by the severest affliction the beneficent purposes of internal improvewith which Providence has ever been ment, education or colonization. pleased to visit me, I have thought that immense benefits might not have been difmy private griefs ought not longer to pre- fused throughout the land by the active vent me from attempting, ill as I feel quali-employment of that large sum? What new fied, to discharge my public duties. And I now rise, in pursuance of the notice which has been given, to ask leave to introduce a bill to appropriate, for a limited time, the proceeds of the sales of the public lands of the United States, and for granting land to certain states.

channels of commerce and communication might not have been opened? What industry stimulated, what labor rewarded? How many youthful minds might have received the blessings of education and knowledge, and been rescued from ignorance, vice, and ruin? How many descendants of Africa might have been transported from a country where they never can enjoy political or social equality, to the native land of their fathers, where no impediment exists to their attainment of the highest degree of elevation, intellectual, social and political! where they might have been successful instruments, in the hands of God, to spread the religion of His Son, and to lay the foundation of civil liberty.

I feel it incumbent on me to make a brief explanation of the highly important measure which I have now the honor to propose. The bill which I desire to introduce, provides for the distribution of the proceeds of the public lands in the years 1833, 1834, 1835, 1836 and 1837, among the twenty-four states of the union, and conforms substantially to that which passed in 1833. It is therefore of a temporary character; but if it shall be found to have sal- But, although we have lost three precious utary operation, it will be in the power of years, the secretary of the treasury tells us a future congress to give it an indefinite that the principal of this vast sum is continuance; and if otherwise, it will ex-yet safe; and much good may still be pire by its own terms. In the event of war achieved with it. The spirit of improveunfortunately breaking out with any for- ment pervades the land in every variety eign power, the bill is to cease, and the of form, active, vigorous and enterprising, fund which it distributes is to be applied wanting pecuniary aid as well as intelligent to the prosecution of the war. The bill direction. The states are strengthening the directs that ten per cent. of the net pro- union by various lines of communication ceeds of the public lands sold within the thrown across and through the mountains. limits of the seven new states, shall be first New York has completed one great chain. set apart for them, in addition to the five Pennsylvania another, bolder in conception per cent. reserved by their several com- and more arduous in the execution. Virpacts with the United States; and that the ginia has a similar work in progress, worthy residue of the proceeds, whether from sales of all her enterprise and energy. A fourth, made in the states or territories, shall be further south, where the parts of the union divided among the twenty-four states in are too loosely connected, has been proproportion to their respective federal popu-jected, and it can certainly be executed lation. In this respect the bill conforms with the supplies which this bill affords, to that which was introduced in 1832. For and perhaps not without them. one, I should have been willing to have This bill passed, and these and other si