and location of the council to which you organization modeled after that of the Conbelong, giving the explanation to the pass-stitution of the United States, and coexword, which is (safe). If found correct, tensive with the confederacy. Its object you will then be admitted, when you will and principles, in all matters of national proceed to the centre of the room, and concern, to be uniform and identical whilst placing the (hands on the breast with the in all local matters the component parts fingers interlocked), give the token of salu- shall remain independent and sovereign tation, which is (by bowing to the president). within their respective limits. You will then quietly take your seat. The sign of recognition is made by the same action as in the second degree, with the addition of (the third finger), and the response is made by (a similar action with the left hand.) The great result to be attained-the only one which can secure a perfect guarantee as to our future is UNION; permanent, enduring, fraternal UNION! Allow me, then, to impress upon your minds and memories the touching sentiments of the Father of (The grip is given by taking hold of the his Country, in his Farewell Address:— hand in the usual way, and then by slipping "The unity of government which constithe finger around on the top of the thumb; tutes you one people," says Washington, then extending the little finger and pressing "is justly dear to you, for it is the main the inside of the wrist. The person chal-pillar in the edifice of your real independlenging shall say, do you know what that is?ence, the support of your tranquillity at The answer is yes. The challenging party home, of your peace abroad, of your safety, shall say, further, what is it? The answer your prosperity-even that liberty you so is, Union. justly prize. [The instructor will here give the grip of this degree, with explanations, and also the true password of this degree, which is (Union.)] CHARGE. 66 * * It is of infinite moment that you should properly estimate the immense value of your National Union, to your collective and individual happiness. You should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immovable attachment to it; accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it, as the palladium of your political safety and prosperity; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can in any event be abandoned; and indignantly frowning upon the dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now bind together the various parts." To be given by the president. Brothers, it is with great pleasure that I congratulate you upon your advancement to the third degree of our order. The responsibilities you have now assumed, are more serious and weighty than those which preceded, and are committed to such only as have been tried and found worthy. Our obligations are intended as solemn avowals of our duty to the land that gave us birth; to the memories of our fathers; and to the happiness and welfare of our children. Let these words of paternal advice and Consecrating to your country a spirit un- warning, from the greatest man that ever selfish and a fidelity like that which dis-lived, sink deep into your hearts. Cherish tinguished the patriots of the Revolution, them, and teach your children to reverence you have pledged your aid in cementing them, as you cherish and reverence the the bonds of a Union which we trust will memory of Washington himself. The endure for ever. Your deportment since Union of these states is the great conservayour initiation has attested your devotion tor of that liberty so dear to the American to the principles we desire to establish, and heart. Without it, our greatness as a nahas inspired a confidence in your patriot- tion would disappear, and our boasted selfism, of which we can give no higher proof government prove a signal failure. The than your reception here. very name of liberty, and the hopes of The dangers which threaten American struggling freedom throughout the world, liberty arise from foes without and from must perish in the wreck of this Union. enemies within. The first degree pointed Devote yourselves, then, to its maintenance, out the source and nature of our most im- as our fathers did to the cause of independminent peril, and indicated the first mea-ence; consecrating to its support, as you sure of safety. The second degree defined have sworn to do, your lives, your fortunes, the next means by which, in coming time, and your sacred honors. such assaults may be rendered harmless. Brothers: Recalling to your minds the The third degree, which you have just re-solemn obligations which you have severceived, not only reiterates the lessons of the other two, but it is intended to avoid and provide for a more remote, but no less terrible danger, from domestic ene.ies to our free institutions. Our object is briefly this:-to perfect an ally taken in this and the preceding degrees, I now pronounce you entitled to all the privileges of membership in this organization, and take pleasure in informing you that you are now members of the order of (the American Union.) American, Whig, Republican and Demo- that the spirit of our institutions, as well cratic Nominations of 1856. The American convention met the next day after the session of the National Council of the Order, on the 22d February, 1856. It was composed of 227 delegates; all the States being represented except Maine, Vermont, Georgia and South Carolina. Hon. Millard Fillmore was nominated for President, and Andrew J. Don elson for Vice-President. date" * * The Whig Convention met at Baltimore, September, 17, 1856, and endorsed the nominations made by the American party, and in its platform declared that without adopting or referring to the peculiar doctrines of the party which has already selected Mr. Fillmore as a candiResolved, that in the present exigency of political affairs, we are not called upon to discuss the subordinate questions of the administration in the exercising of the constitutional powers of the government. It is enough to know that civil war is raging, and that the Union is in peril; and proclaim the conviction that the restoration of Mr. Fillmore to the Presidency will furnish the best if not the only means of restoring peace." The first National Convention of the new Republican party met at Philadelphia, June 18, 1856, and nominated John C. Fremont for President, and William L. Dayton for Vice-President. Since the previous Presidential election, a new party consisting of the disaffected former adherents of the other parties-Native and Independent Democrats, Abolitionists, and Whigs opposed to slavery-had sprung into existence, and was called by its adherents and friends, the Republican party. as the Constitution of our country, guar At the election which followed, in November, 1856, the Democratic candidates were elected, though by a popular minority vote, having received 1,838,160 popular votes, and 174 electoral votes, against 2,215,768 popular votes, and 122 electoral votes for John C. Fremont, the Republican candidate, and Mr. Fillmore, the Whig and American candidate. The aggregate vote cast for Mr. Fillmore, who was the nominee on both the Whig and American tickets, was 874,534, and This convention of delegates assembled his electoral vote was eight; that of the in pursuance of a call addressed to the State of Maryland. This was the last napeople of the United States, without regard tional election at which the Whigs apto past political differences or divisions, peared as a party, under that name; they who were opposed to the repeal of the having joined with the American and with Missouri Compromise. To the policy of the Republican parties, and finally united President Pierce's administration: To the with the latter after the downfall and exextension of slavery into free territory: In tinction of the former. In the State elecfavor of the admission of Kansas as a free tions of that year, (1856) the American State: Of restoring the action of the fed-party carried Rhode Island and Maryland; eral government to the principles of Washington and Jefferson. and in the 35th Congress, which met in December, 1857, the party had 15 to 20 It adopted a platform, consisting of a set Representatives and five Senators. When of resolutions, the principal one of which the 36th Congress met, in 1859, it had bewas: "That we deny the authority of come almost a border State or Southern Congress, of a territorial legislature, of any party, having two Senators; one from individual, or association of individuals, Kentucky and one from Maryland; and to give legal existence to slavery in any 23 Representatives, five from Kentucky, territory of the United States, while the seven from Tennessee, three from Marypresent Constitution shall be maintained." land, one from Virginia, four from North And closed with a resolution: "That we Carolina, two from Georgia, and one from invite the approbation and co-operation of Louisiana. The American party had none the men of all parties, however different of the elements of persistence. It made from us in other respects, in support of the another desperate effort, however, in the principles herein declared; and believing next Presidential campaign, but having failed to carry the South, disappeared | one half of the whole population of the counfinally from politics. try; given to their Presidential candidate The new Republican party polled a very nearly three times as many electoral votes large vote-1,341,234 out of a total vote of as were cast by the Whig party in 1852; and 4,053,928-and its candidates received 114 this day control the governments of fourteen votes out of 296, in the electoral college; of the most powerful States of the Union. having secured majorities in all the free "Well may our adversaries tremble in States, except Illinois, Indiana, Pennsyl- the hour of their victory. 'The Demovania, New Jersey and California. cratic and Black Republican parties,' they The successful candidate, Mr. James say, 'are nearly balanced in regard to Buchanan, was duly inaugurated as Presi-power. The former was victorious in the dent of the United States, and entered recent struggle, but success was hardly won, upon the discharge of his duties as such, with the aid of important accidental adMarch 4, 1857. vantages. The latter has abated nothing of its zeal, and has suffered no pause in its preparations for another battle.' After the election of November, 1856, the Republican Association of Washington issued an address to the people, in which the results of the election were examined, and the future policy of the party stated. It is an interesting paper, as laying the foundation of the campaign of 1860, which followed, and is here given in full: "Republican Association of Washington. Address to the Republicans of the United States. "WASHINGTON, Nov. 27, 1856. "The Presidential contest is over, and at last we have some materials to enable us to form a judgment of the results. "With such numerical force, such zeal, intelligence, and harmony in counsel; with so many great States, and more than a million voters rallied to their standard by the efforts of a few months, why may not the Republicans confidently expect a victory in the next contest? The necessity for their organization still exists in all its force. Mr. Buchanan has always proved true to the demands of his party. He fully accepted the Cincinnati platform, and pledged himself to its policy -a policy of filibustering abroad, propagandism at home. Prominent and controlling among his supporters are men committed, by word and deed, to that policy; and what is there in his character, his antecedents, the nature of his northern support, to authorize the expectation that he will disregard their will? Nothing will be so likely to restrain him and counteract their extreme measures, as a vigorous and growing Republican organization, as nothing would be more necessary to save the cause of freedom and the Union, should he,. as we have every reason to believe, continue the pro-slavery policy of the present incumbent. Let us beware of folding our arms, and waiting to see what he will do. We know the ambition, the necessities, the schemes of the slave power. Its policy of extension and aggrandizement and universal empire, is the law of its being, not an accident-is settled, not fluctuating. Covert or open, moderate or extreme, according to circumstances, it never changes in spirit or aim. With Mr. Buchanan, the elect of a party controlled by this policy, administering the government, the safety of the country and of free institutions must rest in the organization of the Republican party. "Seldom have two parties emerged from a conflict with less of joy in the victors, more of hope in the vanquished. The pro-slavery party has elected its Presidential candidate, only, however, by the votes of a minority, and that of such a character as to stamp the victory as the offspring of sectionalism and temporary causes. The Republicans, wherever able to present clearly to the public the real issue of the canvass-slavery restriction or slavery extension-have carried the people with them by unprecedented majorities; almost breaking up in some States the organization of their adversaries. A sudden gathering together of the people, alarmed at the inroads of the slave power, rather than a well organized party, with but a few months to attend to the complicated details of party warfare; obstructed by a secret Order, which had pre-occupied the field, and obtained a strong hold of the national and religious prejudices of the masses; opposed to an old party, commencing the canvass with the united support of a powerful section, hardened by What, then, is the duty before us? long party drill, accustomed to victory, Organization, vigilance, action; action on wielding the whole power of the federal the rostrum, through the press, at the baladministration-a party which only four lot-box; in state, county, city, and town years ago carried all but four of the States, elections; everywhere, at all times; in every and a majority of the popular vote-still, election, making Republicanism, or loyalunder all these adverse circumstances, they ty to the policy and principles it advocates, have triumphed in eleven, if not twelve of the sole political test. No primary or the free States, pre-eminent for enterprise municipal election should be suffered to and general intelligence, and containing go by default. The party that would suc ceed nationally must triumph in states-time and means to consolidate its strength triumph in the state elections, must be prepared by municipal success. and mature its plans, which comprehend not only the enslavement of Kansas, and the recognition of slavery in all territory of the United States, but the conversion of the lower half of California into a slave State, the organization of a new slavery territory in the Gadsden purchase, the future annexation of Nicaragua and subjugation of Central America, and the acquisition of Cuba; and, as the free States are not expected to submit to all this, ultimate dismemberment of the Union, and the formation of a great slaveholding_confeder acy, with foreign alliances with Brazil and Russia. It may assume at first a moderate tone, to prevent the sudden alienation of its Northern allies; it may delay the develop Next to the remaining power in the states already under their control, let the Republicans devote themselves to the work of disseminating their principles, and initiating the true course of political action in the states which have decided the election against them. This time we have failed, for reasons nearly all of which may be removed by proper effort. Many thousand honest, but not well-informed voters, who supported Mr. Buchanan under the delusive impression that he would favor the cause of free Kansas will soon learn their mistake, and be anxious to correct it. The timid policy of the Republicans in New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Indiana, in post-ment of its plot, as it did under the Pierce poning their independent action, and tem- administration; but the repeal of the Misporizing with a party got up for purposes souri compromise came at last, and so will not harmonizing with their own, and the come upon the country inevitably the final conduct of Mr. Fillmore's friends in either acts of the dark conspiracy. When that voting for Mr. Buchanan, or dividing the hour shall come, then will the honest Demopposition by a separate ticket, can hardly ocrats of the free States be driven into our be repeated again. The true course of the ranks, and the men of the slave States who Republicans is to organize promptly, bold- prefer the republic of Washington, Adams ly, and honestly upon their own principles, and Jefferson-a republic of law, order so clearly set forth in the Philadelphia and liberty-to an oligarchy of slaveholdplatform, and, avoiding coalitions with ers and slavery propagandists, governed by other parties, appeal directly to the masses Wise, Atchison, Soulé, and Walker, founded of all parties to ignore all organizations in fraud and violence and seeking aggranand issues which would divert the public dizement by the spoliation of nations, will mind from the one danger that now threat- bid God speed to the labors of the Repubens the honor and interests of the country, lican party to preserve liberty and the and the subtlety of the Union-slavery Union, one and inseparable, perpetual and propagandism allied with disunionism. all powerful. Let us not forget that it is not the want of generous sentiment, but of sufficient information, that prevents the American people from being united in action against the aggressive policy of the slave power. Were these simple questions submitted to-day to the people of the United States:-Are you in favor of the extension of slavery? Are you in favor of such extension by the aid or connivance of the federal government? And could they be permitted to record their votes in response, without embarrassment, without constraint of any kind, nineteentwentieths of the people of the free States, and perhaps more than half of the people of the slave States, would return a decided negative to both. Let us have faith in the people. Let us believe, that at heart they are hostile to the extension of slavery, desirous that the territories of the Union be consecrated to free labor and free institutions; and that they require only enlightenment as to the most effectual means of securing this end, to convert their cherished sentiment into a fixed principle of action. The times are pregnant with warning. That a disunion party exists in the South, no longer admits of a doubt. It accepts the election of Mr. Buchanan as affording Washington, D. C., Nov. 27, 1856. The Kansas Struggle. It was the removal of the interdiction against slavery, in all the territory north of 36° 30, by the repeal of the Missouri Compromise which gave legality to the struggle for Kansas, and it was the dootrine of popular sovereignty which gave an impartial invitation to both sides to enter the struggle. The aggressive men of both parties hurried emigrants to the Territory. Each accused the other of organized efforts, and soon in the height of the excitement these charges were rather confessed than denied. A new question was soon evolved by the struggle, for some who entered from the South took their slaves with them. The Free State men now contended that slavery was a local institution and confined to the States where it existed, and that if an emigrant passed into the territory with his slaves these became free. The Southern view was, that slaves were recognized as property by the National Constitution; that therefore their masters had a right to take them there and hold them under con stitutional guarantees, the same as any question which was now rapidly dividing other property; that to assert anything the two great sections of the Union. The else would be to deny the equality of the result of the long Congressional struggle States within their common territory, and over the admission of Kansas and Nebrasdegrade them from the rank of equals to ka was simply this: "That Congress was that of inferiors. This last proposition neither to legislate slavery into any Terrihad such force that it would doubtless have tory or State, nor to exclude it therefrom; received more general recognition if the but to leave the people thereof perfectly North had not felt that the early compact free to form and regulate their domestic dedicating the territories north of 36° 30 institutions in their own way, subject only to freedom, had been violated. In answer to the Constitution of the United States,"* to this proposition they therefore pro-and it was specially prescribed that when claimed in their platforms and speeches, the Territory of Kansas shall be admitted and there was no other logical answer, as a State, it shall be admitted into the "that freedom was National, and slavery Union with or without slavery as the conSectional." stitution adopted should prescribe at the time of admission. We cannot enter upon a full description of the scenes in Kansas, but bloodshed This was, as it proved, but a temporary and rapine soon followed the attempts of settlement on the principle of popular the opposing parties to get control of its sovereignty, and was regarded at the time government. What were called the " Bor-as a triumph of the views of Stephen A. der Ruffians" by the Free State men, because of active and warlike organization in Missouri and upon its borders, in the earlier parts of the struggle, seemed to have the advantage. They were supported by friends near at hand at all times, and warlike raids were frequent. The Free State men had to depend mainly upon New England for supplies in arms and means, but organizations were in turn rapidly completed to meet their calls, and the struggle soon became in the highest degree critical. Douglas by the friends of that great politician. The more radical leaders of the South looked upon it with distrust, but the blood of the more excitable in both sections was rapidly rising toward fever heat, and the border men from the Free and Slave States alike were preparing to act upon a compromise which in effect invited a conflict. The Presidential election in 1856 had singularly enough encouraged the more aggressive of both sections. Buchanan's election was a triumph for the South; The pro-slavery party sustained the Fremont's large vote showed the power of Territorial government appointed by the a growing party as yet but partially oradministration; the anti-slavery party re-ganized, and crippled by schisms which pudiated it, because of its presumed com- grew out of the attempt to unite all elemittal to slavery. The election for mem-ments of opposition to the Democrats. bers of the Territorial legislature had been The general plan of the latter was now attended with much violence and fraud, changed into an attempt to unite all of the and it was claimed that these things prop-free-soil elements into a party organization erly annulled any action taken by that against slavery, and from that time forbody. A distinct and separate convention ward until its total abolition slavery was was called at Topeka to frame a State con- the paramount issue in the minds of the stitution, and the Free State men likewise more aggressive men of the north. Linelected their own Governor and Legisla-coln voiced the feelings of the Republiture to take the place of those appointed cans when he declared in one of his Illiby Buchanan, and when the necessary nois speeches :--preliminaries were completed, they applied for admission into the Union. After à long and bitter struggle Congress decided the question by refusing to admit Kansas under the Topeka Constitution, and by recognizing the authority of the territorial government. These proceedings took place during the session of 1856-7, which ter- In the Congressional battle over the adminated immediately before the inaugura-mission of Kansas and Nebraska, Douglas ation of President Buchanan. was the most conspicuous figure, and the At the beginning of Buchanan's admin- language which we have quoted from istration in 1857, the Republicans almost solidly faced the Democrats. There still remained part of the division caused by the American or Know-Nothing party, but its membership in Congress had already been compelled to show at least the tendency of their sentiments on the great "We will, hereafter, speak for freedom, and against slavery, as long as the Constitution guaranties free speech; until everywhere, on this wide land, the sun shall shine, and the rain shall fall, and the wind shall blow upon no man who goes forth to unrequited toil." Buchanan's inaugural was the literal meaning which Douglas had given to his idea of "popular" or "squatter sovereignty." Prior to the Kansas struggle the Free * President Buchanan's Inaugural Address. |