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"In the conflict thus far, success has been, on our side, complete throughout the length and breadth of the Confederate States. It is upon this, as I have stated, our actual fabric is firmly planted; and I cannot permit myself to doubt the ultimate success of a full recognition of this principle throughout the civilized and enlightened world.

"As I have stated, the truth of this principle may be slow in development, as all truths are, and ever have been, in the various branches of science. It was so with the principles announced by Galileo-it was so with Adam Smith and his principles of political economy-it was so with Harvey and his theory of the circulation of the blood. It is stated that not a single one of the medical profession, living at the time of the announcement of the truths made by him, admitted them. Now they are universally acknowledged. May we not, therefore, look with confidence to the ultimate universal acknowledgment of the truths upon which our system rests. It is the first government ever instituted upon principles of strict conformity to nature, and the ordination of Providence, in furnishing the materials of human society. Many governments have been founded upon the principle of certain classes; but the classes thus enslaved, were of the same race, and in violation of the laws of nature. Our system commits no such violation of nature's laws. The negro, by nature, or by the curse against Canaan, is fitted for that condition which he occupies in our system. The architect, in the construction of buildings, lays the foundation with the proper materials, the granite; then comes the brick or the marble. The substratum of our society is made of the material fitted by nature for it, and by experience we know that it is best, not only for the superior, but for the inferior race that it should be so. It is, indeed, in conformity with the ordinance of the Creator. It is not for us to inquire into the wisdom of His ordinances, or to question them. For His own purposes He has made one race to differ from another, as He has made 'one star to differ from another star in glory.'

"The great objects of humanity are best attained when conformed to His laws and decrees, in the formation of governments, as well as in all things else. Our Confederacy is founded upon principles in strict conformity with these laws. This stone which was first rejected by the first builders 'is become the chief stone of the corner' in our new edifice.

"The progress of disintegration in the old Union may be expected to go on with almost absolute certainty. We are now the nucleus of a growing power, which, if we are true to ourselves, our destiny, and high mission, will become the controlling power on this continent. To what extent accessions will go on in the process of time, or where it will end, the future will determine."

It was determined by the secession of eleven States in all, the Border States except Missouri, remaining in the Union, and West Virginia dividing from old Virginia for the purpose of keeping her place in the Union.

The leaders of the Confederacy relied to a great extent upon the fact that President Buchanan, in his several messages and replies to commissioners, and in the explanation of the law by his Attorney-General, had tied his own hands against any attempt to reinforce the garrisons in the Southern forts, and they acted upon this faith and made preparations for their capture. The refusal of the administration to reinforce Fort Moultrie caused the resignation of General Cass, and by this time the Cabinet was far from harmonious. As early as the 10th of December, Howell Cobb resigned as Secretary of the Treasury, because of his "duty to Georgia; January 26th, John B. Floyd resigned because Buchanan would not withdraw the troops from Southern forts; and before that, Attorney General Black, without publicly expressing his views, also resigned. Mr. Buchanan saw the wreck around him, and his administration closed in profound regret on the part of many of his northern friends, and, doubtless, on his own part. His early policy, and indeed up to the close of 1860, must have been unsatisfactory even to himself, for he supplied the vacancies in his cabinet by devoted Unionists--by Philip F. Thomas of Maryland, Gen'l Dix of New York, Joseph Holt of Kentucky, and Edwin M. Stanton of Pennsylvania-men who held in their hands the key to nearly every situation, and who did much to protect and restore the Union of the States. In the eyes of the North, the very last acts of Buchanan were the best.

With the close of Buchanan s administration all eyes turned to Lincoln, and fears were entertained that the date fixed by law for the counting of the electoral vote-February 15th, 1861-would inaugurate violence and bloodshed at the seat of government. It passed, however, peaceably. Both Houses met at 12 high noon in the hall of the House, Vice-President Breckinridge and Speaker Pennington, both democrats, sitting side by side, and the count was made without serious challenge or question.

On the 11th of February Mr. Lincoln

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left his home for Washington, intending | rather be assassinated on the spot than to perform the journey in easy stages. On surrender it.' parting with his friends at Springfield, he said:

I have said nothing but what I am willing to live by, and if it be the pleasure of Almighty God, to die by!"

Lincoln's First Administration.

"My Friends: No one, in my position, can realize the sadness I feel at this parting. To this people I owe all that I am. Here I have lived more than a quarter of a century. Here my children were born, Such was the feeling of insecurity that and here one of them lies buried. I know the President-elect was followed to Washnot how soon I shall see you again. I go ington by many watchful friends, while to assume a task more difficult than that Gen'l Scott, Col. Sumner, Major Hunter which has devolved upon any other man and the members of Buchanan's Cabinet since the days of Washington. He never quickly made such arrangements as secured would have succeeded except for the aid his safety. Prior to his inauguration he of Divine Providence, upon which he at took every opportunity to quell the still all times relied. I feel that I cannot suc-rising political excitement by assuring the ceed without the same Divine blessing Southern people of his kindly feelings, and which sustained him; and on the same on the 27th of February,* "when waited Almighty Being I place my reliance for upon by the Mayor and Common Council support. And I hope you, my friends, of Washington, he assured them, and will all pray that I might receive that Di- through them the South, that he had no vine assistance, without which I cannot disposition wo treat them in any other way succeed, but with which success is certain. than as neighbors, and that he had no disAgain, I bid you all an affectionate fare-position to withhold from them any constiwell."

Lincoln passed through Indiana, Ohio, New York, New Jersey and Pennsylvania on his way to the Capitol. Because of threats made that he should not reach the Capitol alive, some friends in Illinois employed a detective to visit Washington and Baltimore in advance of his arrival, and he it was who discovered a conspiracy in Baltimore to mob and assassinate him. He therefore passed through Baltimore in the night, two days earlier than was anticipated, and reached Washington in safety. On the 22d of February he spoke at Independence Hall and said:

"All the political sentiments I entertain have been drawn, so far as I have been able to draw them, from the sentiments which originated in, and were given to the world from, this hall. I never had a feeling, politically, that did not spring from the sentiments embodied in the Declaration of Independence.

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tutional right. He assured the people that they would have all of their rights under the Constitution-'not grudgingly, but freely and fairly.'

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He was peacefully inaugurated on the 4th of March, and yet Washington was crowded as never before by excited multitudes. The writer himself witnessed the military arrangements of Gen'l Scott for preserving the peace, and with armed cavalry lining every curb stone on the line of march, it would have been difficult indeed to start or continue a riot, though it was apparent that many in the throng were ready to do it if occasion offered.

The inaugural ceremonies were more than usually impressive. On the eastern front of the capitol, surrounded by such of the members of the Senate and House who had not resigned their seats and entered the Confederacy, the Diplomatic Corps, the Judges of the Supreme Court, headed by Chief Justice Taney, the author of the *Dred Scott decision; the higher officers of "It was not the mere matter of the sepa- Army and Navy, while close by the side of ration of the Colonies from the mother- the new President stood the retiring one— land, but that sentiment in the Declaration James Buchanan-tall, dignified, reserved, of Independence, which gave liberty, not and to the eye of the close observer appaalone to the people of this country, but, Irently deeply grieved at the part his party hope, to the world for all future time. It and position had compelled him to play in was that which gave promise that, in due a National drama which was now reaching time, the weight would be lifted from the still another crisis. Near by, too, stood shoulders of men. This is the sentiment Douglas (holding Lincoln's hat) more embodied in the Declaration of Indepen-gloomy than was his wont, but determined dence. Now, my friends, can this country as he had ever been. Next to the two be saved upon that basis? If it can, I will consider myself one of the happiest men in the world, if I can help to save it. If it cannot be saved upon that principle, it will be truly awful! But if this country cannot be saved without giving up the principle, I was about to say, I would

Presidents he was most observed.

If the country could then have been pacified, Lincoln's inaugural was well calculated to do it. That it exercised a wholesome influence in behalf of the Union,

From the "History of Abraham Lincoln and the

Overthrow of Slavery," by Hon. Isaac N. Arnold.

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and especially in the border States, soon became apparent. Indeed, its sentiments seemed for weeks to check the wild spirit of secession in the cotton States, and it took all the efforts of their most fiery orators to rekindle the flame which seemed to have been at its highest when Major Anderson was compelled to evacuate Fort Moultrie.

It is but proper in this connection, to make a few quotations from the inaugural address, for Lincoln then, as he did during the remainder of his life, better reflected the more popular Republican sentiment than any other leader. The very first - thought was upon the theme uppermost in the minds of all. We quote:

After conveying this peaceful assurance, he argued the question in his own way, and in a way matchless for its homely force:

"Physically speaking, we cannot separate. We cannot remove our respective sections from each other, nor build an impassable wall between them. A husband and wife may be divorced, and go out of the presence and beyond the reach of each other; but the different parts of our country cannot do this. They cannot but remain face to face; and intercourse, either amicable or hostile, must continue between them. Is it possible, then, to make that intercourse more advantageous or more satisfactory after separation than before? Can aliens make treaties easier than friends can make laws? Can treaties be more faithfully enforced between aliens than laws can among friends? Suppose you go to war, you cannot fight always; and when after much loss on both sides, and no gain on either, you cease fighting, the identical old questions, as to terms of intercourse, are again upon you.

"Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the Southern States that by the accession of a Republican Administration their property and their peace and personal security are to be endangered. There has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehension. Indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while existed and been open to their in- "This country, with its institutions, bespection. It is found in nearly all the pub- longs to the people who inhabit it. Whenlished speeches of him who now addresses ever they shall grow weary of the existing you. I do but quote from one of those Government they can exercise their con speeches when I declare that I have no stitutional right of amending it, or their purpose directly or indirectly, to interfere revolutionary right to dismember or overwith the institution of slavery in the States throw it. I cannot be ignorant of the fact where it exists. I believe I have no law-that many worthy and patriotic citizens are ful right to do so, and I have no inclina-desirous of having the National Constitution to do so.' Those who nominated and tion amended. While I make no recomelected me did so with full knowledge that mendation of amendments, I fully recogI had made this and many similar decla- nize the rightful authority of the people rations, and had never recanted them. And over the whole subject, to be exercised in more than this, they placed in the platform either of the modes prescribed in the infor my acceptance, and as a law to them-strument itself; and I should under existselves and to me, the clear and emphatic ing circumstances, favor rather than opresolution which I now read: pose a fair opportunity being afforded the Resolved, That the maintenance invio- people to act upon it. I will venture to add late of the rights of the States, and es-that to me the convention mode seems prefpecially the right of each State to order erable, in that it allows amendments to oriand control its own domestic institutions ginate with the people themselves, instead according to its own judgment exclusively, of only permitting them to take or reject is essential to the balance of power on which propositions. originated by others, not esthe perfection and endurance of our politi-pecially chosen for the purpose, and which cal fabric depend, and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter under what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes.'

might not be precisely such as they would wish to either accept or refuse. I understand a proposed amendment to the Constitution-which amendment, however, I have not seen-has passed Congress, to the I now reiterate these sentiments; and in effect that the Federal Government shall doing so, I only press upon the public at- never interfere with the domestic institutention the most conclusive evidence of tions of the States, including that of perwhich the case is susceptible, that the prop-sons held to service. To avoid misconstrucerty, peace, and security of no section are to be in anywise endangered by the now incoming Administration. I add, too, that all the protection which, consistently with the Constitution and the laws, can be given, will be cheerfully given to all the States when lawfully demanded, for whatever cause as cheerfully to one section as to another."

tion of what I have said, I depart from my purpose not to speak of particular amendments so far as to say that, holding such a provision now to be implied constitutional law, I have no objection to its being made express and irrevocable.

"The Chief Magistrate derives all his authority from the people, and they have conferred none upon him to fix terms for

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