states. There was confusion which must soon have approached violence, for no authority beyond the limits of the state was respected, and Congress was notably powerless in its attempts to command aid from the states to meet the payment of the war debt, or the interest thereon. Instead of general respect for, there was almost general disregard of law on the part of legislative bodies, and the people were not slow in imitating their representatives. Civil strife became imminent, and Shay's Rebellion in Massachusetts was the first warlike manifestation of the spirit which was abroad in the land. our political history must ever be inpressed with the fact that changes and reforms ever moved slowly, and that those of slowest growth seem to abide the longest. The Federal and Anti-Federal Parties. Congress was officially informed of the fact July 2d, 1788, and the first Wednesday, in March, 1789, was fixed as the time "for commencing proceedings under the constitution." The Strong Government Whigs, on the submission of the constitution of 1787 to Congress and the legislatures, and indirectly through the latter to the people, who elect the members on this issue, became the Federal party, and all of its power was used to promote the ratification of the inAlive to the new dangers, the Assembly strument. Its ablest men, headed by of Virginia in 1786, appointed commis- Alexander Hamilton and James Madison, sioners to invite all the states to take part advocated adoption before the people, and in a convention for the consideration of their pens supplied much of the current questions of commerce, and the propriety political literature of that day. Eightyof altering the Articles of Confederation. five essays, still noted and quoted for their This convention met at Annapolis, Sept. ability, under the nom de plume of "Pub11th, 1786. But five states sent representa- lius," were published in "The Federalist." tives, the others regarding the movement They were written by Hamilton, Madison with jealousy. This convention, however, and Jay, and with irresistible force advoadapted a report which urged the appoint-cated the Federal constitution, which was ment of commissioners by all the states, ratified by the nine needed states, and "to devise such other provisions as shall, to them seem necessary to render the condition of the Federal government adequate to the exigencies of the Union; and to report such an act for that purpose to the United States in Congress assembled, as, This struggle for the first time gave the when agreed to by them and afterwards Federalists an admitted majority. The confirmed by the legislatures of every state, complexion of the State legislature prior will effectually provide for the same." to it showed them in fact to be in a miCongress approved this action, and passed nority, and the Particularist Whigs, or resolutions favoring a meeting in conven- Anti-Federals opposed every preliminary tion for the "sole and express purpose of step looking to the abandonment of the revising the Articles of Confederation, and Articles of Confederation and the adoption report to Congress and the State legisla- of a Federal constitution. They were tures." The convention met in Philadel- called Anti-Federals because they opposed phia in May, 1787, and continued its ses- a federal government and constitution and sions until September 17th, of the same year. adhered to the rights of the States and The Strong Government Whigs had previ- those of local self-government. Doubtless ously made every possible effort for a full party rancor, then as now, led men to opand able representation, and the result did pose a system of government which it not disappoint them, for instead of simply seems they must have approved after fightrevising the Articles of Confederation, the ing for it, but the earlier jealousies of the convention framed a constitution, and sent States and the prevailing ideas of liberty it to Congress to be submitted to that body certainly gave the Anti-Federals a popuand through it to the several legislatures. larity which only a test so sensible as that The act submitting it provided that, if it proposed could have shaken. They were should be ratified by nine of the thirteen not without popular orators and leaders, states, it should be binding upon those Patrick Henry, the earliest of the paratifying the same. Just here was started triots, and "the-old-man-eloquent," Samuel the custom which has since passed into Adams, took special pride in espousing law, that amendments to the national con- their cause. The war questions between stitution shall be submitted after approval Whig an1 Tory must have passed quickly by Congress, to the legislatures of the sev-away, as living issues, though the newseral states, and after approval by three-papers and contemporaneous history show fourths thereof, it shall be binding upon all that the o'd taunts and battle cries were -a very proper exercise of constitutional applied to the new situation with a plainauthority, as it seems now, but which ness and virulence that must still be envied would not have won popular approval by the sensational and more bitterly parti when Virginia proposed the Annapolis san journals of our own day. To read convention in 1786. Indeed, the reader of these now, and some of our facts are gath ered from such sources, is to account for the frequent use of the saying touching "the ingratitude of republics,' for when partisan hatred could deride the still recent utterances of Henry before the startled assembly of Virginians, and of Adams in advocating the adoption of the Declaration, there must at least to every surface view have been rank ingratitude. Their good names, however, survived the struggle, as good names in our republic have ever survived the passions of the law. In politics the Americans then as now, hated with promptness and forgave with generosity. The Anti-Federals denied nearly all that the Federals asserted. The latter had for the first time assumed the aggressive, and had the advantage of position. They showed the deplorable condition of the country, and their opponents had to bear the burdens of denial at a time when nearly all public and private obligations were dishonored; when labor was poorly paid, workmen getting but twenty-five cents a day, with little to do at that; when even the rich in lands were poor in purse, and when commerce on the seas was checked by the coldness of foreign nations and restricted by the action of the States themselves; when manufactures were without protection of any kind, and when the people thought their struggle for freedom was about to end in national poverty. Still Henry, and Adams and Hancock, with hosts of others, claimed that the aspirations of the AntiFederals were the freest, that they pointed to personal liberty and local sovereignty. Yet many Anti-Federals must have accepted the views of the Federals, who under the circumstances must have presented the better reason, and the result was as stated, the ratification of the Federal constitution of 1787 by three-fourths of the States of the Union. After this the Anti-Federalists were given a new name, that of "Close Constructionists," because they naturally desired to interpret the new instrument in such a way as to bend it to their views. The Federalists became "Broad Constructionists," because they interpreted the constitution in a way calculated to broaden the power of the national government. The Confederacy once dissolved, the Federal party entered upon the enjoyment of full political power, but it was not without its responsibilities. The government had to be organized upon the basis of the new constitution, as upon the success of that organization would depend not alone the stability of the government and the happiness of its people, but the reputation of the party and the fame of its leaders as statesmen. Fortunately for all, party hostilities were not manifested in the Presidential election. All bowed to the popularity of Washington, and he was unanimously nominated by the congressional caucus and appointed by the electoral college. He selected his cabinet from the leading minds of both parties, and while himself a recognized Federalist, all felt that he was acting for the good of all, and in the earlier years of his administration, none disputed this fact. But As the new measures of the government advanced, however, the anti-federalists organized an opposition to the party in power. Immediate danger had passed. The constitution worked well. The laws of Congress were respected; its calls for revenue honored, and Washington devoted much of his first and second messages to showing the growing prosperity of the country, and the respect which it was beginning to excite abroad. where there is political power, there is opposition in a free land, and the great leaders of that day neither forfeited their reputations as patriots, or their characters as statesmen by the assertion of honest differences of opinion. Washington, Adams," and Hamilton were the recognized leaders of the Federalists, the firm friends of the constitution. The success of this instrument modified the views of the antiFederalists, and Madison of Virginia, its recognized friend when it was in preparation, joined with others who had been its friends-notably,* Doctor Williamson, of North Carolina, and Mr. Langdon, of Georgia, in opposing the administration, and soon became recognized leaders of the anti-Federalists. Langdon was the President pro tem, of the Senate. Jefferson wa then on a mission to France, and not unti some years thereafter did he array himself with those opposed to centralized power in the nation. He returned in November, 1789, and was called to Washington's cabinet as Secretary of State in March, 1790. It was a great cabinet, with Jefferson as its premier (if this term is suited to a time when English political nomenclature was anything but popular in the land;) Hamilton, Secretary of the Treasury; Knox, Secretary of War, and Edmund Randolph, Attorney-General. There was no Secretary of the Navy until the administration of the elder Adams, and no Secretary of the Interior. The first session of Congress under the Federal constitution, held in New York, sat for nearly six months, the adjournment taking place September 29th, 1789. Nearly all the laws framed pointed to the organization of the government, and the discussions were able and protracted. Indeed, these discussions developed opposing views, which could easily find separation on much the same old lines as those which separated the founders of constitutional government *Edwin Williams in Statesman's Manual. The Strong submission of Congress and rectly through the elect the memb the Federal party used to promote Alive to the new dangers, the Assembly strument. Its of Virginia in 1786, appointed commis- Alexander Hamil sioners to invite all the states to take part advocated adoption in a convention for the consideration of their pens supplie questions of commerce, and the propriety political literature of altering the Articles of Confederation. five essays, still note This convention met at Annapolis, Sept. ability, under the 11th, 1786. But five states sent representa- lius," were published tives, the others regarding the movement They were written by with jealousy. This convention, however, and Jay, and with in adapted a report which urged the appoint-cated the Federal con ment of commissioners by all the states, ratified by the nine "to devise such other provisions as shall, Congress was officially to them seem necessary to render the con- July 2d, 1788, and the dition of the Federal government adequate March, 1789, was fixed to the exigencies of the Union; and to re- commencing proceeding port such an act for that purpose to the stitution." United States in Congress assembled, as, when agreed to by them and afterwards confirmed by the legislatures of every state, will effectually provide for the same." to it showed them in fact Congress approved this action, and passed nority, and the Particular resolutions favoring a meeting in conven- Anti-Federals opposed every tion for the "sole and express purpose of step looking to the abando revising the Articles of Confederation, and Articles of Confederation and report to Congress and the State legisla- of a Federal constitution. tures." The convention met in Philadel- called Anti-Federals because i phia in May, 1787, and continued its ses- a federal government and const sions until September 17th, of the same year. adhered to the rights of the The Strong Government Whigs had previ- those of local self-government ously made every possible effort for a full party rancor, then as now, led m and able representation, and the result did pose a system of government not disappoint them, for instead of simply seems they must have approved at revising the Articles of Confederation, the ing for it, but the earlier jealousie convention framed a constitution, and sent States and the prevailing ideas of it to Congress to be submitted to that body certainly gave the Anti-Federals and through it to the several legislatures. larity which only a test so sensible The act submitting it provided that, if it proposed could have shaken. They should be ratified by nine of the thirteen not without popular orators and le states, it should be binding upon those Patrick Henry, the earliest of the ratifying the same. Just here was started triots, and "the-old-man-eloquent," Sa the custom which has since passed into Adams, took special pride in espou law, that amendments to the national con- their cause. The war questions betw stitution shall be submitted after approval Whig and Tory must have passed quic by Congress, to the legislatures of the sev-away, as living issues, though the new eral states, and after approval by three-papers and contemporaneous history show fourths thereof, it shall be binding upon all that the o'd taunts and battle cries werd -a very proper exercise of constitutional applied to the new situation with a plain authority, as it seems now, but which ness and virulence that must still be envied would not have won popular approval by the sensational and more bitterly partiwhen Virginia proposed the Annapolis san journals of our own day. To read Convention in 1786. Indeed, the reader of these now, and some of our facts are rath ace. politica. thought and action. They were of These resolutions were full of political ୮ states. There was confusion which must soon have approached violence, for no authority beyond the limits of the state was respected, and Congress was notably powerless in its attempts to command aid from the states to meet the payment of the war debt, or the interest thereon. Instead of general respect for, there was almost general disregard of law on the part of legislative bodies, and the people were not slow in imitating their representatives. Civil strife became imminent, and Shay's Rebellion in Massachusetts was the first warlike manifestation of the spirit which was abroad in the land. our political history must ever be inpressed with the fact that changes and reforms ever moved slowly, and that those of slowest growth seem to abide the longest. The Federal and Anti-Federal Parties. ratified by the nine needed states, and Congress was officially informed of the fact July 2d, 1788, and the first Wednesday, in March, 1789, was fixed as the time for commencing proceedings under the constitution." The Strong Government Whigs, on the submission of the constitution of 1787 to Congress and the legislatures, and indirectly through the latter to the people, who elect the members on this issue, became the Federal party, and all of its power was used to promote the ratification of the inAlive to the new dangers, the Assembly strument. Its ablest men, headed by of Virginia in 1786, appointed commis- Alexander Hamilton and James Madison, sioners to invite all the states to take part advocated adoption before the people, and in a convention for the consideration of their pens supplied much of the current questions of commerce, and the propriety political literature of that day. Eightyof altering the Articles of Confederation. five essays, still noted and quoted for their This convention met at Annapolis, Sept. | ability, under the nom de plume of "Pub11th, 1786. But five states sent representa- lius," were published in “The Federalist." tives, the others regarding the movement They were written by Hamilton, Madison with jealousy. This convention, however, and Jay, and with irresistible force advoadopted a report which urged the appoint-cated the Federal constitution, which was ment of commissioners by all the states, "to devise such other provisions as shall, to them seem necessary to render the condition of the Federal government adequate to the exigencies of the Union; and to report such an act for that purpose to the United States in Congress assembled, as, This struggle for the first time gave the when agreed to by them and afterwards Federalists an admitted majority. The confirmed by the legislatures of every state, complexion of the State legislature prior will effectually provide for the same." to it showed them in fact to be in a miCongress approved this action, and passed nority, and the Particularist Whigs, or resolutions favoring a meeting in conven- Anti-Federals opposed every preliminary tion for the "sole and express purpose of step looking to the abandonment of the revising the Articles of Confederation, and Articles of Confederation and the adoption report to Congress and the State legisla- of a Federal constitution. They were tures." The convention met in Philadel- called Anti-Federals because they opposed phia in May, 1787, and continued its ses- a federal government and constitution and sions until September 17th, of the same year. adhered to the rights of the States and The Strong Government Whigs had previ- those of local self-government. Doubtless ously made every possible effort for a full party rancor, then as now, led men to opand able representation, and the result did pose a system of government which it not disappoint them, for instead of simply seems they must have approved after fightrevising the Articles of Confederation, the ing for it, but the earlier jealousies of the convention framed a constitution, and sent States and the prevailing ideas of liberty it to Congress to be submitted to that body certainly gave the Anti-Federals a popuand through it to the several legislatures. larity which only a test so sensible as that The act submitting it provided that, if it proposed could have shaken. They were should be ratified by nine of the thirteen not without popular orators and leaders, states, it should be binding upon those Patrick Henry, the earliest of the paratifying the same. Just here was started triots, and "the-old-man-eloquent," Samuel the custom which has since passed into Adams, took special pride in espousing law, that amendments to the national con- their cause. The war questions between stitution shall be submitted after approval Whig an 1 Tory must have passed quickly by Congress, to the legislatures of the sev-away, as living issues, though the newseral states, and after approval by three-papers and contemporaneous history show fourths thereof, it shall be binding upon all that the o'd taunts and battle cries were -a very proper exercise of constitutional applied to the new situation with a plainauthority, as it seems now, but which ness and virulence that must still be envied would not have won popular approval by the sensational and more bitterly partiwhen Virginia proposed the Annapolis san journals of our own day. To read Convention in 1786. Indeed, the reader of these now, and some of our facts are gath |