but after a while he drew from his pocket a list of questions that he had carefully prepared and which he proposed to ask Mr. Douglas. The reading of those questions created a storm of opposition on the part of nearly everyone present, especially the second question, "Can the people of a United States Territory, in any lawful way, against the wish of any citizen of the United States, exclude slavery from its limits prior to the formation of a State Constitution?" Nearly all present urged that Mr. Douglas would answer that under his doctrine of "Popular Sovereignty," any Territory could by "unfriendly legislation" exclude slavery, and Mr. Douglas would "catch the crowd" and beat Mr. Lincoln as a candidate for United States Senator from Illinois.

Mr. Lincoln listened attentively, and with wonderful patience, while those arguments were urged against the course he proposed to pursue, but finally, he slowly and deliberately replied in substance-and in his own words as nearly as I can now remember them-"Well, as to my changing my style of argument, I will not do that-the subject is too solemn and important. That is settled. Now as to the other pointI don't know how Mr. Douglas will answer; if he answers that the people of a Territory cannot exclude slavery, I will beat him; but if he answers as you say he will, and as I believe he will, he may beat me for Senator, but he will never be President."

Mr. Lincoln did, in the joint debate in the afternoon, ask Judge Douglas the question that had been the subject of so much discussion, and Douglas did answer, as all said that he would, and as Lincoln believed that he would, and Douglas did beat Lincoln as a candidate for Senator from Illinois. But in making that answer Douglas put himself in direct opposition to the decision of the Supreme Court of the United States in the Dred Scott case, and he so offended the Democrats of the South that they instantly denounced him. That answer made by Douglas to Lincoln's question in Freeport, on August 27, 1858, split the Democratic National Convention at Charleston, South Carolina, in 1860, and as Lincoln had predicted, made the election of Douglas as President impossible.

The popular opinion was and is, that it made Lincoln so well known throughout the country as to result in his own nomination and election as President of the United States.

Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Douglas had long been rivals, but, by his superior ability as a debater, Mr. Lincoln at Freeport, August 27, 1858, passed his rival and went onward to the presidency, the goal of political ambition which Mr. Douglas never reached.

And when Mr. Lincoln became President and read his wonderful Inaugural Address, it was Stephen A. Douglas who stood by his side and held his hat. I heard Senator Douglas say in Springfield, in April, 1861, "The time has come when there can be but two parties in this country, patriots and traitors." He was as loyal as was Mr. Lincoln. And, better still, the Douglas Democrats of Illinois-and, better than that, the Douglas Democrats throughout all the loyal North-were as loyal as their loyal leader. Shortly afterward the great Senator died. Mr. Lincoln lived longer-lived to conduct successfully the suppression of the greatest rebellion in history, and when the sunlight of complete victory filled all the land with joy, Mr. Lincoln was assassinated.

Sometimes I almost despair of the Republic. Three of the Presidents in my short lifetime have so met death by assassination. Why it was that the good Lord God Almighty permitted it, I do not understand. God's ways are not our ways. We dare not criticise. We must submit. Standing by the bedside of Mr. Lincoln when he died was his great War Secretary, Stanton, who said, "Now he belongs to the ages. Name his name once more-Abraham Lincoln-then leave it in undying glory forever shining on in history."

I

TWO MOMENTOUS MEETINGS

MAJ.-GEN. FREDERICK DENT GRANT

FEEL deeply honored that you have called upon me on this interesting occasion, but I have great modesty in speaking to you here, in the presence of these many distinguished and gifted orators, and while I appreciate the compliment you pay me, I fully realize that it is not myself personally whom you wish to hear, but that I am being welcomed as the son of Ulysses S. Grant, who served his country faithfully, with Abraham Lincoln, and who loyally loved our martyred President, revering his memory throughout his life; it is the descendant of Lincoln's friend and compatriot whom you call upon for a few words.

This hundredth anniversary of the birth of Abraham Lincoln is an occasion which the people of the United States honor themselves in celebrating, and they should, in my opinion, keep forever green the memory of this great American statesman and patriot by making the annual anniversary of his birth a national holiday.

It was my great good fortune to be with my father, close at his side, much of the time during the Civil War, when I had the opportunity of seeing and listening to many of the noble and distinguished men who were loyally serving their country during that great struggle; thus I had the honor and happiness of seeing and meeting our revered and martyred President, Abraham Lincoln.

In looking back to those dark days of the Civil War, I have distinct personal recollections of the first two meetings between President Lincoln and my father, General U. S. Grant. These two occasions seem to my mind the most momentous and memorable in the history of our nation, as these meetings

marked the beginning of the end of our great struggle for the existence of our nation.

The principal and determined efforts of President Lincoln's administration were directed to the preservation of the Union, which, naturally, could not be accomplished without the success of the Union armies in the field. Up to the Spring of 1864 the progress of the Civil War had not been satisfactory to the people of the North, and little success had been accomplished except in the victories at Donelson, Vicksburg, and Chattanooga.

After the Campaign of Chattanooga, the President and the people of the United States turned impulsively to General Grant as the leader of the Union Armies, and a bill was introduced in Congress reviving for him the grade of LieutenantGeneral, which grade had died with Washington (though Scott had held it by brevet). The enthusiastic members of the House of Representatives received the bill with applause. They made no concealment of their wishes, and recommended' Grant by name for the appointment of Lieutenant-General. The bill passed the House by a two-thirds majority; and the Senate, with only six dissenting votes.

He

President Lincoln seemed impatient to put Grant in this high grade, and said he desired to do so to relieve himself from the responsibilities of managing the military forces. sent the nomination to the Senate, and General Grant, who was at Nashville, received an order from the Secretary of War, to report in person at Washington. In compliance with this order, he left Chattanooga on March 5, for Washington, taking with him some members of his staff. My father allowed me to accompany him there, I having been with him during the Vicksburg campaign and at Donelson. We reached Washington in the afternoon of March 7, and went direct to Willard's Hotel. After making our toilets, my father took me with him to the hotel dining-room. There I remember seeing at the table next to where we were seated, some persons who seemed curious, and who began to whisper to each other. After several moments one of the gentlemen present attracted attention by pounding on the table with

A

his knife, and when silence was secured, arose and announced to the assembled diners that he had "the honor to inform them, that General Grant was present in the room with them." shout arose, "Grant! Grant! Grant!" People sprang to their feet wild with excitement, and three cheers were proposed, which were given with wild enthusiasm. My father arose and bowed, and the crowd began to surge around him; after that, dining became impossible and an informal reception was held for perhaps three-quarters of an hour, but as there seemed to be no end to the crowd assembling, my father left the dining-room and retired to his apartments. All this scene was most vividly impressed upon my youthful mind.

Senator Simon Cameron of Pennsylvania, ex-Secretary of War, soon called at Willard's Hotel for my father, and accompanied him, with his staff, to the White House, where President and Mrs. Lincoln were holding a reception.

As my father entered the drawing-room door at the White House, the other visitors fell back in silence, and President Lincoln received my father most cordially, taking both his hands, and saying, "I am most delighted to see you, General." I myself shall never forget this first meeting of Lincoln and Grant. It was an impressive affair, for there stood the Executive of this great nation, welcoming the Commander of its armies. I see them now before me-Lincoln, tall, thin, and impressive, with deeply lined face, and his strong sad eyesGrant, compact, of good size, but looking small beside the President, with his broad, square head and compressed lips, decisive and resolute. This was a thrilling moment, for in the hands of these two men was the destiny of our country. Their work was in coöperation, for the preservation of our great nation, and for the liberty of men. They remained talking together for a few moments, and then General Grant passed on into the East Room with the crowd which surrounded and cheered him wildly, and all present were eager to press his hand. The guests present forced him to stand upon a sofa, insisting that he could be better seen by all. I remember that my father, of whom they wished to make a he.o, blushed most modestly at these enthusiastic attentions,,