June 29 and discuss the advisability of and the plans for an immediate attack on the enemy's army, then entrenched at Manassas Junction, some twenty miles southwest of Washington. The Commander-in-Chief of the Army, General Scott, opposed the advance. He had another plan of campaign; the army was not ready. But Mr. Lincoln insisted that the country demanded a movement, and that if the Federal army was green," so was that of the Confederates. General Scott waived his objections, and the advance was ordered for July 9. Before the battle came off, however, the President wished to impress again on the North what it was fighting for. On July 4, when he sent his message to Congress, which he had summoned in extra session, he put before them clearly his theory of and justification for the war. "This is essentially a people's contest. On the side of the Union it is a struggle for maintaining in the world that form and substance of government whose leading object is to elevate the condition of men—to lift artificial weights from all shoulders; to clear the paths of laudable pursuits for all; to afford all an unfettered start, and a fair chance in the race of life. Yielding to partial and temporary departures, from necessity, this is the leading object of the government for whose existence we contend. "Our popular government has often been called an experiment. Two points in it our people have already settled— the successful establishing and the successful administering of it. One still remains-its successful maintenance against a formidable internal attempt to overthrow it. It is now for them to demonstrate to the world that those who can fairly carry an election can also suppress a rebellion; that ballots are the rightful and peaceful successors of bullets; and that when ballots have fairly and constitutionally decided, there can be no successful appeal back to bullets; that there can be no successful appeal except to ballots themselves at succeeding elections. Such will be a great lesson of peace; teaching men that what they cannot take by election, neither can they take it by a war; teaching all the folly of being the beginners of a war. "As a private citizen the executive could not have consented that the institutions of this country shall perish; much less could he, in betrayal of so vast and so sacred a trust as the free people have confided to him. He felt that he had no moral right to shrink, nor even to count the chances of his own life in what might follow. In full view of his great responsibility he has, so far, done what he has deemed his duty. You will now, according to your own judgment, perform yours. He sincerely hopes that your views and your actions may so accord with his, as to assure all faithful citizens who have been disturbed in their rights of a certain and speedy restoration to them, under the Constitution and the laws. "And having thus chosen our course, without guile and with pure purpose, let us renew our trust in God, and go forward without fear and with manly hearts." With these words Mr. Lincoln started the first War Congress on its duties and the Army of Northeastern Virginia towards Bull Run. The advance of the Federals from Arlington towards Manassas Junction had been ordered for July 9. For one and another reason, however, it was July 21 before the army was ready to attack. The day was Sunday, a brilliant, hot Washington day. Anxious as Mr. Lincoln was over the coming battle, he went to church as usual. It was while he was there that a distant roar of cannon, the first sounds of the battle, only twenty miles away, reached him. Returning to the White House after the services, the President's first inquiry was for news. Telegrams had just begun to come in. They continued at intervals all the afternoon-broken reports from now this, now that, part of the field. Although fragmentary, they were as a whole encouraging. The President studied them carefully, and after a time went over to General Scott's headquarters to talk the news over with him. By half-past five he felt so sure that the field was won that he went out for his usual afternoon drive. What happened at the White House then the only eye witnesses, his secretaries, have told in their History: "He had not returned when, at six o'clock, Secretary Seward came to the Executive Mansion, pale and haggard. 'Where is the President?' he asked hoarsely of the private secretaries. Gone to drive,' they answered. 'Have you any late news?' he continued. They read him the telegrams which announced victory. 'Tell no one,' said he. That is not true. The battle is lost. The telegraph says that McDowell is in full retreat and calls on General Scott to save the capital. Find the President and tell him to come immediately to General Scott's.' "Half an hour later the President returned from his drive, and his private secretaries gave him Seward's message, the first intimation he received of the trying news. He listened in silence, without the slightest change of feature or expression, and walked away to army headquarters. There he read the unwelcome report in a telegram from a captain of engineers: 'General McDowell's army in full retreat through Centreville. The day is lost. Save Washington and the remnants of this army. The routed troops will not reform.' From that time on, for at least twenty-four hours, a continuous stream of tales of disaster was poured upon Mr. Lincoln. A number of public men had gone from Washington to see the battle. Ex-Senator Dawes, who was among them, says that General Scott urged him to go, telling him that it was undoubtedly the only battle he would ever have a chance to see. About midnight they began to return. They came in haggard, worn, and horror-stricken, and a number of them repaired to the White House, where Mr. Lincoln, lying on his office sofa, listened to their tales of the panic that had seized the army about four in the afternoon and of the re |