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the seven days fighting of McClellan's retreat; the following letter after the victory of Malvern hill. Military critics think that after this victory McClellan could have taken Richmond but he was angry and prepared for defeat and left the aggressive to the other side.

232 Appeal to border state representatives. Two-thirds of the border state representatives agreed in thinking this scheme impracticable; one-third promised to submit it to their constituents.

It was the president's last attempt to

put into practice his cherished scheme for freeing the slaves without ruining their owners.

235 Letter to Reverdy Johnson. Reverdy Johnson was the leader of the Baltimore bar and was called by some the most brilliant lawyer in the country. Lincoln once expected to have an opportunity to cross swords with him when the two happened to be on opposite sides in a case in court, but on a technicality Lincoln was not allowed to speak—a disappointment he always remembered.

237 Louisiana. Farragut, then captain, commanding the naval forces and General Butler commanding the army had together taken New Orleans 22 April 1862. This decisive victory opened the Mississippi which the president called the backbone of the rebellion. It was held by Mason and Slidell, Confederate emissaries to England, to give the death blow to European recognition of the Confederacy. Lincoln urged the military governors of Louisiana, Tennessee and Arkansas to permit and aid the people in electing delegates to the national congress, so that they might not be considered in rebellion and thus escape the penalty of which they were warned in the preliminary emancipation proclama

tion.

240 Letter to Count de Gasparin. Count Agenor de Gasparin, a French writer, philanthropist and publicist, wrote two books in defense of the Union cause during the

civil war under the titles (as translated into English) The Uprising of a Great People and America Before Europe.

248 Letter to Greeley. Horace Greeley in the Tribune of August 20 had published an open letter to Lincoln under the title The Prayer of Twenty Millions, accusing him of placating too much the pro-slavery sentiment.

249 Religious views. Jesse W. Fell, who knew Lincoln intimately, has made a long statement of the president's religious views in which he says: "Whilst he held many opinions in common with the great mass of Christian believers he did not believe in what are regarded as the orthodox or evangelical views of Christianity." Mr. Fell thinks that Lincoln's theology was largely that of Theodore Parker. From these opinions none of his friends dissent. W. H. Herndon writes: No man had a stronger or firmer faith in Providence-God-than Mr. Lincoln but the continued use by him late in life of the word God must not be interpreted to mean that he believed in a personal God." Mrs. Lincoln says that her husband "had no faith and no hope in the usual acceptation of those words." She adds: "He never joined a church but still I believe he was a religious man by nature."

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253 Preliminary emancipation proclamation. On July 22 the president had assembled his cabinet and told them of his belief that the emancipation of the slaves was now a military necessity. When Lee invaded Maryland the president, by what he considered most valuable advice from Seward, decided to issue the proclamation as soon as he should be repulsed. McClellan won the bloody battle of Antietam 17 September 1862, by which, though he did not follow up his advantage, he sent the Confederates out of the state. Secretary Chase's account in his diary of the president's words to his cabinet is most interesting. There was general chatting at first and Lincoln read a chapter

from Artemus Ward's new book. Then after telling of his resolve to issue the proclamation after the defeat of Lee although the action of the army had been disappointing, he said:

I said nothing to any one, but I made the promise to myself and [hesitating a little] to my Maker. I have got you together to hear what I have written down. I do not wish your advice about the main matter for that I have determined for myself. This I say without intending anything but respect for any one of you. . I know very well that many others might in this matter as in others do better than I can, but if I was satisfied that the public confidence was more fully possessed by any one of them than by me and knew of any constitutional way by which he could be put in my place he should have it.

I am here; I must do the best I can; and bear the responsibility of taking the course which I feel I ought to take.

The members of the cabinet all approved; only Mr. Blair thought the time inopportune.

256 Letter to Hannibal Hamlin. Lincoln's vice president, originally a Democrat, joined the Republican party on account of his anti-slavery views. He was a senator from 1857 to 1861 and after his vice presidency was again senator 1869-81. In the latter year he was appointed minister to Spain.

262 Louisiana. The congressional elections so much desired by Lincoln were held 3 December 1862. No federal officer was a candidate and a half-vote was polled. The committee on investigation declared the election perfectly legal and congress admitted the representatives. The president urged similar elections elsewhere, but congress afterwards refused to allow such representatives to take their seats and thus frustrated the reconstruction policy planned by the president.

264 Carl Schurz. Carl Schurz, born in Prussia, fled to this country when a young man because of complication in the revolutionary movement in his native land. He served during the war and was influential in enlisting German citizens.

269 Battle of Fredericksburg. General A. E. Burnside, who against his own wish had been given charge of the army, was severely defeated at the battle of Fredericksburg 11 December 1862. His report of the battle referred to by the president was a manly document in which he praised the conduct of his officers and men and took on his own shoulders the responsibility for the disaster. The defeat aroused the greatest discontent in the north but there seemed no man at hand better fitted for the command than Burnside.

275 Letter to Hooker. "Perhaps the most remarkable thing in his letter," say Messrs. Nicolay and Hay in their biography, "is the evidence it gives how completely the genius of President Lincoln had by this, the middle of his presidential term, risen to the full height of his great national duties and responsibilities. From beginning to end it speaks the language and breathes the spirit of the great ruler, secure in the popular confidence and official authority, equal to the great emergencies that successively rose before him."

270 Emancipation proclamation. The effect on the slaves of this historic document, to the signing of which the president's letters have shown him to have been driven by force of circumstances and against his feeling of justice to the slave-holders, may perhaps best be illustrated by a quotation from Booker T. Washington's autobiography entitled "Up From Slavery." In this volume we get a description of that supreme moment from one who was himself a slave-boy on a Virginia plantation:

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As the great day drew nearer, there was more singing in the slave quarters than usual. It was bolder, had more ring, and lasted later into the night. Most of the verses of the plantation songs had reference to freedom. True, they had sung the same verses before, but they had been careful to explain that the “freedom of these songs referred to the next world and had no connection with life in this world. Now they gradually threw off the mask and were not afraid to let it be known that the "freedom" in their songs meant freedom of body in this world. The night before the eventful day, word was sent to the slave quarters to the effect that something unusual was going to take place at the "big house" the next morning. There was little if any sleep that night. All was excitement and expectancy. Early the next morning word was sent to all the slaves, old and young, to gather at the house. In company with my mother, brother, and sister, and a large number of other slaves, I went to the master's house. All of our master's family were either standing or seated on the veranda of the house, where they were to see what was to take place and hear what was said. There was a feeling of deep interest, or perhaps sadness, on their faces, but not bitterness. As I now recall the impression they made on me, they did not at the moment seem to be sad because of the loss of their property, but rather because of parting with those whom they had reared and who were in many ways very close to them. The most distinct thing that I now recall was that some man who seemed to be a stranger (a United States officer, I presume) made a little speech and then read a rather long paper—the emanci pation proclamation, I think. After the reading we were told that we were all free and could go when and where we pleased. My mother who was standing by my side leaned over and kissed her children, while tears of joy ran down her cheeks. She explained to us what it all meant, that this was the day for which she had been so long praying but fearing she would never live to see.

For some minutes there was great rejoicing and thanksgiving and wild scenes of ecstasy. But there was no feeling

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