gy, and with considerable, and sometimes, vehement gesHis language was clear, nervous, and classical. His investigations penetrated to the foundation and reason of every doctrine and principle which he examined; and he brought to the debate a mind richly adorned with all the learning and precedents requisite for the occasion. He never omitted to meet, examine, and discover the strength or weakness, the truth or falsehood, of every proposition, which he had to contend with. His candor was magnanimous, and rose to a level with his abilities. His temper was spirited, but courteous, amiable, and generous; and he frequently made powerful and pathetic appeals to the moral sense and patriotism, to the fears and hopes of the Assembly; and painted, vividly, the difficulties and dangers of the crisis, in order to prepare their minds for the reception of the Constitution.

"The arguments used by Colonel Hamilton in the debates in the Convention, were substantially the same which he had before employed in the FEDERALIST. They could not well have been any other, for he had already urged, in support of the Constitution, all the leading considerations which led to the plan of it, and which guided the skill of the artists. The wisdom of the Commentator was now repeated, and enforced by the eloquence of the Orator.

"The style and manner of Smith's speeches were plain, dry, and syllogistic; and, it behooved his adversary to understand well the ground on which he stood, and the principles he advanced, or he might find it somewhat embarrassing to extricate himself from a subtle web of specious reasoning, unless, indeed, it was met by Hamilton's skill and strength, which nothing could resist.”

CHAPTER LV.

DURING his exertions to induce the concurrence of New York, Hamilton's attention was called, by a letter from a gentleman of highly distinguished talents and character, to a subject, in various points of view, of great interestthe relations of Vermont to the new Government. In his reply, addressed to Nathaniel Chipman, afterwards a member of the Senate of the United States, he observed:

"Your brother delivered me your favor, which I received with pleasure, as the basis of a correspondence that may be productive of public good.

"The accession of Vermont to the Confederacy, is, doubtless, an object of great importance to the whole; and, it appears to me, that this is the favorable moment for effecting it upon the best terms for all concerned. Besides more general reasons, there are circumstances of the moment which will forward a proper arrangement. One of the first subjects of deliberation with the new Congress will be, the Independence of Kentucky, for which the Southern States will be anxious. The Northern, will be glad to send a counterpoise in Vermont. Then, mutual interests and inclinations will facilitate a proper result.

"I see nothing that can stand in your way, but the interfering claims under the grants of New York. As to

taxation, the natural operation of the new system will place you exactly where you might wish to be. The public debt, as far as it can prudently be provided for, will be, by the Western lands, and the appropriation of some general fund. There will be no distribution of it to particular parts of the community. The fund will be sought for in indirect taxation; as, for a number of years, and, except in time of war, direct taxes would be an impolitic measure. Hence, as you can have no objection to your proportion of contribution, as consumers, you can fear nothing from the article of taxation.

"I readily conceive, that it will be scarcely practicable to you to come into the Union, unless you are secured from claims under New York grants. Upon the whole, therefore, I think it will be expedient for you, as early as possible, to ratify the Constitution, upon condition, that Congress shall provide for the extinguishment of all existing claims to land, under grants of the State of New York, which may interfere with claims under the grants of the State of Vermont. You will do well to conform your boundary to that heretofore marked out by Congress; otherwise, insuperable difficulties would be likely to arise with this State.

"I should think it altogether unadvisable to annex any other condition to your ratification. For there is scarcely any of the amendments proposed, that will not have a party opposed to it; and, there are several that will meet with a very strong opposition; and it would, therefore, be highly inexpedient for you to embarrass your main object by any collateral difficulties.

"As I write in Convention, I have it not in my power to enlarge. You will perceive my general ideas on the subject. I will only add, that it will be wise to lay as lit

tle impediment as possible in the way into the Union."

The approaching session of the Legislature of that State, in October, induced a second letter from the same source, which Hamilton thus answered:

"Your favor of the sixth of September has been duly handed to me, and I receive great pleasure from the hopes you appear to entertain of a favorable turn of affairs in Vermont, in regard to the new Government. It is certainly an object of mutual importance to yourselves and to the Union, and well deserves the best endeavors of every discerning and good man.

"I observe, with satisfaction, your opinion that Vermont will not make a point of introducing amendments (I mean as a condition of her accession). That ground would be the most hazardous which she could venture upon, as it is very probable, that such amendments as might be popular with you, would be deemed inadmissible by the friends of the system, who will doubtless be the most influential persons in the national councils; and, who would rather submit to the inconveniences of your being out of the Union, till circumstances should alter, than consent to any thing that might impair the energy of the Government. The article of taxation is, above all, the most delicate thing to meddle with; for as, plenary power in that respect must ever be considered as the vital principle of government; no abridgment or constitutional suspension of that power can ever, upon mature consideration, be countenanced by the intelligent friends of an effective national Government. You must, as I remarked in my former letter, rely upon the natural course of things, which, I am satisfied, will exempt you, in ordinary times, from direct taxation, on account of the difficulty of exercising it in so extensive a country, so pecu

liarly situated, with advantage to the revenue or satisfaction to the people. Though, this difficulty will be gradually diminished, from various causes, a considerable time must first elapse; and, in the interim, you will have nothing to apprehend on this score. As far as indirect taxation is concerned, it will be impossible to exempt you from sharing in the burthen, nor can it be desired by your citizens. I repeat these ideas, to impress you the more strongly with my sense of the danger of touching this chord, and of the impolicy of perplexing the main object with any such collateral experiments, while I am glad to perceive that you do not think your people will be tenacious on the point.

"It will be useless for you to have any view in your act to the present Congress. They can, of course, do nothing in the matter. All you will have to do, will be to pass an act of accession to the new Constitution, on the conditions upon which you mean to rely. It will, then, be for the new Government, when met, to declare whether you can be received on your terms or not.

"I am sorry to find that the affair of boundary is likely to create some embarrassment. Men's minds everywhere, out of your State, are made up upon, and reconciled to that which has been delineated by Congress. Any departure from it must beget new discussions, in which all the passions will have their usual scope, and may occasion greater impediments than the real importance of the thing would justify. If, however, the further. claim you state cannot be gotten over with you, I would still wish to see the experiment made, though with this clog; because I have it very much at heart that you should become a member of the Confederacy. It is, however, not to be expected, that the same disposition will actuate everybody. In this State, the pride of cer