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that the public mind should be influenced by an extreme spirit of jealousy. To resist its encroachments, and to nourish this spirit, was the great object of all our public and private institutions. The zeal for liberty became predominant and excessive. In forming our Confederation, this passion alone seemed to actuate us; and we appear to have had no other view than to secure ourselves from despotism. The object deserved our utmost attention. But there is another object, equally important, and which our enthusiasm rendered us little capable of regarding. I mean, a principle of strength and stability in the organization of our Governments, and vigor in its operations. This purpose could never be accomplished, but by the establishment of some select body, formed upon this principle. There should be, in every Republic, some permanent body to correct the prejudices, check the intemperate passions, and regulate the fluctuations of a popular assembly. A body instituted for these purposes must be so formed as to exclude, as much as possible, from its own character, those infirmities and that instability, which it is designed to remedy. It should, therefore, be small; should hold its authority during a considerable period, and should have such an independence in the exercise of its powers, as will raise it, as much as possible, above local prejudices. It should be so formed, as to be the centre of political knowledge; to pursue always a steady line of conduct, and to reduce every irregular propensity to system. Without such an establishment, we may make experiments without end, but shall never have an efficient Government. It is an unquestionable truth, that the body of the people, in every country, desire sincerely its prosperity. But, it is equally unquestionable, that they do not possess the discernment and stability necessary for systematic government. To deny that they

are frequently led by the grossest errors, by misinformation, and by passion, would be a flattery, which their own good sense would despise. These truths are not often told in public assemblies, but they cannot be unknown to any who hear me. It follows, that there ought to be two distinct bodies in our Government-one, which shall be immediately constituted by, and peculiarly represent, the people, and possess all the popular features-another, formed upon the principles, and for the purposes, I have before stated." Having pointed out the tendency of the proposed amendments to destroy the stability, permanence, and independence of the Senate, he observed: "The interests of the States and of the United States, have been placed in contrast. This is not a fair view of the subject. They must, necessarily, be involved in each other. What we apprehend is, that some sinister prejudice, or prevailing passion, may assume the form of a genuine interest. The influence of these is as powerful as the most permanent conviction of the public good, and against this influence we ought to provide. There must be a perpetual accommodation and sacrifice of local advantage to general expediency. But, a mere popular assembly would be rarely actuated by this consideration. It is, therefore, absolutely necessary, that the Senate should be so formed as to be unbiased by false conceptions of the real interests, or undue attachment to the apparent good, of their several States."

These observations were followed by others, showing that, the States "were essential component parts of the Union; and, that the means they possessed of sustaining

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* It is related by Benson, that being checked in the full progress of his remarks, Hamilton observed to him in an under tone, "I must state the Constitution in all its truth and force." "Go on," Benson replied, "you will not lose a vote."

themselves, rendered all apprehension for their safety groundless. He then returned to the considerations in favor of a select and durable Senate. "A government," he remarked, “changeable in its policy, must soon lose its sense of national character, and forfeit the respect of foreigners. Senators will not be solicitous for the reputation of public measures, in which they take but a temporary part; and will feel lightly the burden of public disapprobation, in proportion to the number of those who partake of the censure." "This," he observed in his closing remarks, "This is the first fair opportunity that has been offered of deliberately correcting the errors in Government. Instability has been a prominent, and very defective feature in most Republican systems. It is the first to be seen, and the last to be lamented by a philosophical inquirer. It has operated most banefully in our infant republics. It is necessary that we apply an immediate remedy, and eradicate the poisonous principle from our Government. If this be not done, we shall feel, and posterity will be convulsed by the malady."

After a defence of the proposed amendment by Lansing and Smith, who insisted, that the States would be gradually extinguished, unless the dependence of the Senate on the State Legislatures should be thus secured; and, that the Senate would otherwise, become a perpetual body, under the influence of a perpetual faction, Hamil

It is stated, that he occupied two days on the Senate. "Tears were in the eyes of the audience." Colonel Huger of S. C., said, "I did not conceive it possible for man to speak so." And Chancellor Kent remarks-"His two speeches on the organization, powers, and stability of the Senate, were regarded at the time, by the best judges, as the noblest specimens which the debates in that, or any other assembly, ever afforded, of the talents and wisdom of the statesman." How much is to be regretted the bald and inaccurate reports of them, from which this outline is drawn.

ton resumed his argument, which was much extended. The leading observations will only be given. "There are two objects," he said, "in forming systems of government-safety for the people, and energy in the administration. When these are united, the certain tendency of the system will be to the public welfare. If the latter be neglected, the security of the people will as certainly be sacrificed, as by disregarding the former. Good constitutions are formed upon a comparison of the liberty of the individual with the strength of government. If the tone of either be too high, the other will be weakened too much. It is the happiest possible mode of conciliating these objects, to institute one branch peculiarly endowed with sensibility, another with knowledge and firmness. Through the opposition and mutual control of these bodies, the government will reach, in its regular operations, the perfect balance between liberty and power. I admit that the aggregate of individuals constitutes the Government. Yet every State is not the Government. Every petty district is not the Government. In our State Legislatures, a compromise is frequently necessary between the interests of counties. The same thing must happen in the General Government between States. In this, the few must yield to the many-the particular must be sacrificed to the general interest. It is proper, that the influence of the States should prevail to a certain extent. But shall the individual States be the judges how far? Shall an unlimited power be left to them to determine in their own favor? Gentlemen go to an extreme. Instead of a wise Government, they would form a fanciful Utopia. Men will pursue their interests. It is as easy to change human nature, as to oppose the strong current of the selfish passions. A wise legislator will gently divert the channel, and direct it, if possible, to the public good."

CHAPTER LIV.

AFTER the conclusion of the debate, on the structure of the Legislative body, the article, declaring its powers, was considered. It was asserted, that, connecting the preamble with the clause which gave the power of raising revenue, and with that which empowered the making of all laws necessary and proper for carrying into execution, the powers vested in the Government by the Constitution, Congress "might pass any law it thought proper." An amendment was proposed, prohibiting an excise being imposed on articles, the growth or manufacture of the United States: forbidding the laying direct taxes, until the proceeds from the impost and excise were insufficient ; and then, only, after a requisition for the amount upon the States. Smith declared, that the General Government should rest in some degree, not only for its foundation, but operation, on the State Governments; and their respective powers be clearly defined. Unless some specific revenue is reserved to them, their governments, with their Independence, will be totally annihilated. "A consolidation of the States," Livingston observed, "ought to be avoided, but the extent of the country will not admit of a representation upon principles, in any great degree, democratic. We shall become a manufacturing people-Imports will diminish-New sources of revenue be required-Distilled liquors will be a first object of excise,

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