selves to my mind, will, I trust, vote with me upon the present occasion. Those, on the contrary, who think all is well, who suppose our government is full of energy, our credit high, our trade and finances flourishing, will probably see no room for any anxiety about the matter, and may be disposed to leave Vermont in its present state. If the bill should fail, I hope they never will have occasion to regret the opportunity they have lost."

At the end of this speech, the question was taken, and the bill recognising the independence of Vermont, on the condition of her entering into the confederacy, passed. By this well-timed measure a civil war was prevented, and another state soon after became a member of the union.

CHAPTER XLV.

THE Vote of the New-York legislature on the impost decided the fate of the confederation. The only hope of preserving an union of the states rested upon the issue of the contemplated convention.

The assembly of Virginia being the first state legislature in session after the adjournment of the commissioners at Annapolis, passed an act in October for the appointment of seven commissioners to meet at Philadelphia, and to join with the deputies of the other states, "in devising and discussing such alterations as may be necessary to render the federal constitution adequate to the exigencies of the times." New-Jersey was the second to act on this subject, appointing commissioners on the twenty-third of November, with powers similar to those previously granted by her. Pennsylvania chose delegates with like powers on the thirtieth of the succeeding month.

The report from Annapolis was submitted to congress soon after its date; but a determined opposition being made to the proposed convention, on the ground of its illegality, it was not acted upon: thus, tenacity of power grows with conscious weakness. When the legislature of Massachusetts assembled, Governor Bowdoin, still zealous for this great measure, sent them a message, in which, after a mention of the reasons that had induced the meeting at Annapolis to adjourn, he again declared his conviction of the importance of amending the confederation. Its

lelegates to congress then appeared, and explained the motives by which they had been actuated.

King observed "that the report of the commercial convention was before congress. Doubts had arisen as to the mode of agreeing upon commercial regulations. The confederation was the act of the people. No part could be altered but by consent of congress and confirmation of the several legislatures. Congress, therefore, ought to make the examination first; because, if it was done by a convention, no legislature could have a right to confirm it. Did any legislature sit for such a purpose? No. It must be referred to the people, and then what degree of assent was necessary to make it an article of the confederation? Whereas if it was conducted agreeably to the confederation, no such difficulty could exist. Besides, if congress should not agree upon a report of a convention, the most fatal consequences might follow. Congress were, therefore, the proper body to make alterations."

After adverting to the efforts of the several states, he remarked, that not more than half a million of dollars had been received from them in the last two years; that "it had become a subject of admiration how government existed; that so melancholy was the state of the federal treasury, that all men seemed to turn away from it as an evil which admitted of no remedy. If all the states could be brought into the continental impost, this resource might be anticipated, and the national credit strengthened in that way; but there remained two states which had not acceded to it-Pennsylvania and New-York. The situation of the former was known, and should that state comply, as there were some grounds to hope and expect, the danger of the union, and the love which New-York must entertain for the confederation, must induce their accession to the system." He closed his observations with a strong comment on the existing commotions in Massachusetts,

suggesting the probability that congress would make exertions to suppress them. Dana, another delegate, concurred in these views. Their speeches were published, and as no measures were taken for the appointment of a delegation to Philadelphia, great apprehensions were entertained by the advocates of a general convention, that their efforts would be rendered fruitless by the dissent of this leading member of the confederacy.

The hesitation of Massachusetts lent a sanction to the policy of the governor of New-York. There was in the constitution of that state an energy the more imposing, as contrasted with the weakness of the confederacy. This energy had been increased by a perverted construction of his powers, which concentrated the whole disposal of office in the chief magistrate.

The new congress met in the city of New-York on the second of February, three months of its term having expired, and elected General St. Clair as their president. Though without prerogative or patronage, that officer was understood to represent in his person the majesty of the nation. The appropriations and the ceremonial of his household all indicated such to have been the intention of congress.

In the same public hall was seen Clinton, exhibiting all the authority of his office and his influence over an obedient legislature. The effect on the common mind of withholding those observances which custom has connected with high station, was well understood by Clinton: a marked and studied neglect was manifested by him towards. congress, as though he wished them to be regarded rather as intruders upon a sovereign state, than as the COUNCIL OF THE NATION. Yet he at the same time avowed the opinion, that the articles of the confederation were equal to the objects of the union, or with little alteration could be made so, and that the deputies to Annapolis ought to

have confined themselves to the expressed purpose of their errand.

New-York gave the most prominent adversary and advocate of the union. The more obstinate the opposition of Clinton to enlarged views of the interests of the American people, the more zealous and determined were the exertions of Hamilton. All the influence of his attractive manners and generous hospitality was now seen. He mingled daily with the members of the federal government; his house was their constant resort; his conversation was full of the great theme of a more perfect union; and with earnest argument and wit he exposed the inconsistency of men who refused to confer upon congress an adequate fiscal power, for the reason that it was a single body without checks, and yet would seek to thwart every effort to constitute it differently. Having won Virginia in Madison, he broke the opposition of Massachusetts in the person of King, observing to a friend," I revolutionized his mind."

Though a president had been elected, nine states were not represented in congress until the fourteenth of February. The next day Hamilton delivered his speech upon the impost, in the presence of many of its members, who saw the mute vote, rejecting it, recorded.

It is the part of genius to select the moment to achieve its high purposes; and the day after this vote, notice was given of an intended motion for an instruction to congress to recommend the call of a convention. Its object was stated to be that "of revising the articles of confederation and perpetual union, by such alterations and amendments as a majority of the representatives shall judge proper and necessary, to render them adequate to the preservation and government of the union."

Had such power been given, 'tis obvious how much more effective and complete the constitution would have been.