456 THE NEW YORK ELECTIONS; HAMILTON'S SCHEME. either of the others, was not suspected by the President and remained in office until the end of the year, when he retired voluntarily* and was appointed by Adams a circuit judge, with life tenure. John Marshall took Pickering's place as Secretary of State,‡ and Samuel Dexter was appointed Secretary of War. Stoddert and Charles Lee continued in their positions as Secretary of the Navy and AttorneyGeneral, respectively.|| After Washington's death the dissensions in the Federalist party seemed to be increasing in acerbity and violence, which was particularly true of New York State. There an election of members of the Legislature was about to take place and the parties were nearly equally divided. Hamilton labored indefatigably on the *In speaking of Mr. Hamilton's need of some one "able to betray the movements of the cabinet down to the last moment," C. F. Adams says: "That person was Oliver Wolcott, secretary of the treasury, whose fidelity Mr. Adams never for an instant suspected; who had always so carefully regulated his external deportment, that no one could suppose him likely to become the secret channel through which all the most confidential details of the administration, of which he was a part, should be furnished with the intent to destroy its head. Yet such is the fact which his tory now most unequivocally discloses. Instead of being too suspicious, as the enemies of his own household chose to describe him, the president had, in the excess of his confidence, retained in his bosom the most subtle and venomous serpent of them all."-John Adams, Works, vol. i., p. 570. Compare Mr. Gibbs' remarks, vol. ii., pp. 212-214; Morse, John Adams, p. 315. 100. John Adams, Works, vol. ix., pp. 88, 90, 99, Magruder, Life of Marshall, p. 149. Federalist side, while Aaron Burr was no less assiduous in behalf of the op position candidates. The Democratic party was weakened by the family feuds of the Clintons and the Livingstons, and Burr devoted himself to harmonizing the conflicting interests that a solid front might be arrayed against the Federalists. To a considerable degree, he was successful in his efforts.* Believing that the Republicans had the greatest chance of electing their candidates, Hamilton, or as Jay says, "one of the most distinguished and influential Federalists in the United States," proposed that Governor Jay summon the Legislature, the majority of which were Federalists, for the purpose of enacting a law altering the method of choosing the Presidential electors in such a way as "to insure a majority of voters in the United States for the Federal candidate." "The anti-Federalist party," said Hamilton, “is a composition indeed of very incongruous materials, but all tending to mischief; some of them to the overthrow of the government by stripping it of its due energies; other of them by revolutionizing it after the manner of Bonaparte. The government must not be confided to the custody of its enemies, and, although the measure proposed is open to objection, a popular government cannot stand if one * See Hammond, History of Political Parties in the State of New York, vol. i., p. 146 et seq.; Parton, Life and Times of Aaron Burr, pp. 244253; Alexander, Political History of New York, vol. i., p. 89 et seq. HAMILTON'S OPPOSITION TO ADAMS. The outcome of the New York election did not affect the prospects of the Federal party, which at his time was badly disunited. Some wished to drop Mr. Adams entirely and to unite upon General Pinckney or some other strong man, while others determined that the President should, at all hazards, be supported for reëlection. Before the close of Congress in May of 1800, the Federalist members held a caucus, at which John Adams and Charles Pinckney were designated as the Federalist candidates - Adams for the Presidency and Pinckney for the Vice-Presidency. A powerful faction of the Federalists, led by Oliver *Lodge's ed. of Hamilton's Works, vol. viii., p 549. Lodge says this proposition is "the one dark blot upon the public career of Hamilton."Alexander Hamilton, p. 227. Parton, however, thinks that this was more due to ignorance and incapacity than moral turpitude (Life of Thomas Jefferson, p. 563). Lamb, City of New York, vol. ii., p. 463; Schouler, United States, vol. i., pp. 476-477. For this letter, see Life of John Jay, vol. i., pp. 412-414. See also Roberts, New York, vol. ii., pp. 478-479; Pellew, John Jay, pp. 330-332; Todd, The True Aaron Burr, pp. 15-16; Parton, Life and Times of Aaron Burr, pp. 253-255; Alexander, Political History of New York, vol. i., pp. 91-93. 457 Wolcott, Pickering and Hamilton had determined to prevent the elevation of Adams to the Presidency for a second term by confidentially stating that he was not fit for the post, that his defects of character rendered it unsafe to reëlect him, and that the votes should therefore be given to General Pinckney* Hamilton had already prepared to encompass Adams' defeat. He said: "For my individual part, my mind is made up. I will never more be responsible for him [Adams] by my direct support, even though the consequences should be the election of Jefferson." He added also that while he thought either or both would wreck the government, he preferred Jefferson, since the latter could be fought in the open, while Adams must be indorsed by the party, and it would be necessary to "knife " him in the back. Mr. C. F. Adams denounces this action as bad faith, and says that "the moment when an active. minority determined to adopt a line of conduct marked by indirectness of purpose even to treachery, was the moment when wise and patriotic citizens had reason to foresee for the Federal party that shipwreck must inevitably ensue."‡ On the other hand, the Republicans were well organized and found little difficulty in agreeing upon their candidates, selecting Thomas Jefferson and * McMaster, vol. ii., pp. 490-491. Hamilton's ed. of Hamilton's Works, vol. vi., pp. 436, 437, 441, 446; Lodge's ed., vol. viii.. p. 552. John Adams, Works, vol. i., p. 576. 458 SENTIMENT OF THE PEOPLE. Aaron Burr.* Burr had proved so valuable an ally that it was not doubted he would run well, especially in the Middle States.† In the summer of 1800 the leaders of the independent Federalists made a tour of the country to ascertain the feeling of the voters regarding the * Parton, Life and Times of Aaron Burr, p. 259; Stanwood, History of Presidential Elections, pp. 32-33. † As an instance of the anathema of the pulpit, jections to Adams.* Writing to * Parton cites the speeches and pamphlets of Dr. John Mason, of New York. Mason evolved from reading Jefferson's Notes on Virginia that Jefferson did not believe in a universal deluge, and a few weeks before the election he published a pamphlet entitled The Voice of Warning to Christians on the Ensuing Election. He reviewed the Notes and came to the conclusion that Jefferson was a profane philosopher and an infidel." "Christians!", he exclaimed, "it is thus that a man, whom you are expected to elevate to the chief magistracy, insults yourselves and your Bibles!" It is said that in a prayer this same Mason burst into impassioned supplications: "Send us, if Thou wilt, murrain upon our cattle, a famine upon our land, * pestilence to waste our cities; send us, if it please Thee, the sword to bathe itself in the blood of our sons; but spare us, Lord God Most Merciful, spare us that curse, most dreadful of all curses,- an alliance with Napoleon Bonaparte."-Life of Thomas Jefferson, p. 571. In a letter to Dr. Benjamin Rush, of Philadelphia, September 23, Jefferson imputes to the clergy hopes of being able to accomplish a union of church and state. "The returning good sense of the country," he adds, "threatens abortion to their hopes, & they believe that any portion of power confided to me, will be exerted in opposition to their schemes. And they believe rightly; for I have sworn upon the altar of God, eternal hostility against every form of tyranny over the mind of man. But this is all they have to fear from me: & enough too in their opinion & this is the cause of their printing their lying pamphlets against me, forging conversations for me with Mazzei, Bishop Madison, &c., which are absolute falsehoods without a circumstance of truth to rest on."- Ford's ed. Jefferson's Writings, vol. vii., pp. 460-461. See also Parton, p. 573. - Wolcott in September, he said: "The facts hitherto known have very partially impaired the confidence of the body of Federalists in Mr. Adams, who, for want of information, are disposed to regard his opponents as factious men."t Bayard made a canvass of the South and found that Jefferson would receive the electoral votes from that section almost without exception. The Middle States were doubtful. But they might just as well have spared themselves the fatigue of these journeys, for the sentiments. of the two sections had been ably expressed in connection with the Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions, as previously related. Meanwhile, on May 15, 1800, being displeased at the result of the party caucus and thirsting for revenge, Pickering suggested to Hamilton "a bold and frank exposure of Adams." *Hamilton's Works, vol. viii., pp. 523, 555, 560. See also Sumner, Life of Alexander Hamilton, p. 234; John Adams, Works, vol. i., p. 570; Morse, John Adams, p. 317. Hamilton's Works, vol. viii., p. 563. THE PROPOSED EXPOSURE OF ADAMS. He undertook to furnish the facts for such an exposure, and endeavored, besides, to instigate Cabot and the ultra Federalists of New England to arrange that Adams should be thrown out, regardless of party consequences. While these New England Federalists resented Pickering's removal and would not hold social intercourse with the President, and while they would gladly have seen Adams defeated by any means, they still had no desire to undertake the task themselves, preferring that the first open demonstration should come from some other State. Adams enjoyed wide popularity among New England Federalists, and to provoke his friends might work their own destruction. Furthermore, after praising him so long and palliating his faults to the last, they could not consistently turn now and denounce him, for this would place them in the position of having previously deceived their fellow-citizens. They knew, too, that an open rupture with Adams would result in the defeat of the Federalist party, and they feared the country would be doomed if the Republicans should win. Writing to Cabot, Wolcott said: "It is with grief and humiliation, but at the same time with perfect confidence, that I declare that no administration of the government under President Adams could be successful. His prejudices are too violent, and his resentments of men of influence are too keen to render it possible that 459 And yet the only result of this secret consultation was a confidential dissection of Adams' character, which, though it seemed to satisfy them of the President's unfitness for reëlection, could not help their own cause. Nevertheless they hoped that the scales would soon drop from the eyes of the public, whom they themselves dared not enlighten. As McHenry said in a letter to Wolcott, July 22, 1800: "Nay, their conduct even now, notwithstanding the consequences full in view should the present chief be re-elected, in most, if not in all of the States, is tremulous, timid, feeble, deceptive and cowardly. They write private letters. To whom? To each other. But they do nothing to give a proper direction to the public mind. They observe, even in their conversation, a discreet circumspection, ill-calculated to diffuse information, or to prepare the mass of the people. They meditate in private. Can good come out of such a system? If the party recover its pristine energy and splendor, shall I ascribe it to such cunning, paltry, indecisive, back-door conduct?" Again, to foster dissension between Adams and Pinckney and to gain the good will of Pinckney which might be of value should he become President, Pickering, shortly after Congress adjourned, wrote a long epistle in terms abusive of Adams, designating himself as a martyr for his rebuke of Adams' nepotism and his interference to secure to Hamilton the post of second in command of the army. On the other hand, Adams was not backward in denouncing the intrigue of his former advisers, stigmatizing his he should please either party; and we all know neighbors involved in the intrigue as that he does not possess and cannot command the talents, fortitude, and constancy necessary to the formation of a new party." the "Essex Junto."'* * Schouler, United States, vol. i., pp. 479-481. 460 ADAMS' UNGUARDED UTTERANCES. Hamilton now seems to have become convinced that Adams could not be undermined in New England and that it would be hardly possible to obtain an equal vote for General Pinckney. Something must be done, or Adams would again become President - a situation which Hamilton and others. most earnestly deprecated. He therefore determined to hit back at Adams for his free and unguarded speech. Adams had many times denounced that wing of the Federal party which did not favor his measures as a British faction. In 1792 he wrote a letter to Tench Coxe in which he referred to the Pinckneys and others as being under British influence. This letter was given by Coxe to Duane, who published it in the Aurora, and Thomas Pinckney wrote to Adams asking if this were a forgery or a genuine let ter. Adams was compelled to admit that the epistle was genuine, but replied in a conciliating tone, saying that, in a fit of peevishness, he had not only unjustly imputed to the two brothers the charge of being under British influence, but also had carelessly included the various distinguished statesmen of South Carolina who bore the name of Pinckney. Adams had also included Hamilton among those he charged with being under British influence. Having been mustered out of the army and not being in any way connected with the government, Hamilton now felt under no constraint in venting his feelings concerning the President. The campaign attacks upon the "Essex Junto” afforded him a splendid opportunity for the public exposure of Adams which Pickering desired, but which none of the more circumspect conspirators dared to make. On August 1, therefore, Hamilton wrote to Adams demanding that the latter set forth the grounds of his assertions.* Receiving no answer, Hamilton wrote again on October 1 and deliberately pronounced every charge of this nature as "a base, wicked calumny."† He then resolved upon a further step which had an important effect upon the coming election. ‡ Long before writing the first of the above letters, Hamilton had set Wolcott at work gathering evidence of Adams' unfitness for the Presidency, with the object of drawing off from him as many Federalist votes as possible and of bringing doubtful electors to unite on Pinckney. But Hamilton's advisers were in a quandary about such a publication. All would go well enough if the scheme should draw votes from Adams without aiding the Republicans. But the attack on Adams might have a different effect. Would it not therefore be better to issue the pamphlet anonymously? Some of Hamilton's better counsellors |