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DEATH OF WASHINGTON.

In June of 1800, by the President's orders, the public offices were removed to Washington, but neither the President nor his wife had cause to complain of the condition of the city very long, as they were to reside there less than a year.

Hardly had Congress settled down to business when an event occurred which threw the whole nation into mourning. Shortly after the opening of the first session of the sixth Congress, in December of 1799, announcement was made that Washington had passed away at Mt. Vernon. Having attended to such duties as commander of the army as seemed to be requisite in the event of an invasion by the French, he had retired to Mt. Vernon, where he divided his time between agricultural pursuits and the numerous public duties which it was impossible to put aside. On December 12 he was several hours on horseback, riding about and giving various directions for the improvement of his estate. It had rained the greater part of the day, and he had been soaked and chilled. The next day, despite a heavy snow storm, he went out again for a short time. He was aware from his hoarseness that he had caught a violent cold, but apprehended no serious consequences, and, after spending the evening with his family, retired at the usual hour. During During the night he was seized with a violent ague succeeded by fever, and, at his

Lodge, George Washington, vol. ii., p. 294; Irving, Life of Washington, vol. v., p. 332.

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request, was bled, but he would not permit a messenger to be sent for the family physician until the following morning* On the arrival of Dr. Craik on Saturday, the 14th, various remedies were employed to alleviate the pain, but in vain. Toward evening he went to bed, after remarking with much effort: "I die hard, doctor, but I am not afraid to die. My breath cannot last long." He then thanked the physicians for their kindness and asked to be permitted to die quietly in his bed. Nothing further was done, and between ten and eleven o'clock at night Washington expired. Thus quietly and unostentatiously passed away our first, if not our greatest President, the man who, more than any other, had helped the country to get on her feet and kept her up until she could well stand alone. On the 18th of December his remains were deposited in the family vault at Mount Vernon.||

*Irving, Life of Washington, vol. v., p. 334. Sparks, Life of Washington, p. 487.

For Mr. Lear's interesting account of the last illness, death, and funeral of Washington, see Sparks, Life of Washington, pp. 531-538, and the edition of Washington's letters to Lear (pub. by Doubleday, Page & Company, 1906, pp. 129–141).

Marshall's address in the House, December 19, will be found in Annals of Congress, 6th Congress, 1st session, pp. 203-204; Benton, Abridgment of Debates, vol. ii., pp. 433-434; Sparks, Life of Washington, pp. 539-540; Irving, Life of Washington, vol. v., pp. 411-413; A. B. Magruder, Life of John Marshall, pp. 139-141. The text of the

address of the Senate to the President December 23 (slightly differing) will be found in Richardson, Messages and Papers, vol. i., pp. 298-299; Annals of Congress, 6th Congress, 1st session, pp. 17-18; Irving, Life of Washington, vol. v., pp. 413–414; Benton, Abridgment of Debates, vol. ii., p. 403;

448

REPUBLICAN POLICIES.

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Meanwhile the Republicans were taking courage from the state of affairs, not only in Congress, but all over the country. Cabot had said that if his party controlled Congress," the hands of the country need be bound no longer, and in that case I think the Executive can do everything.' The Federalists still had a majority in Congress, Sedgwick was again chosen Speaker of the House, and, in the absence of the Vice-President, Samuel Livermore was appointed President of the Senate. But the Federalist majority was composed of conservative men who would not go to extremes being new and moderate men," and as a result support began to fall away until the radicals found themselves in the minority.

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Sparks, Life of Washington, pp. 540-541. The reply of President Adams is in John Adams, Works, vol. ix., pp. 142-113; Richardson, Messages and Papers, vol. i., pp. 299-300; Annals, pp. 18-19; Benton, pp. 403-404; Irving, Life of Washington, vol. v., pp. 415–416. The resolutions of Congress December 23 are in Annals, pp. 18-19; Benton, p. 404; Sparks, pp. 542-543; Irv ing, vol. v., pp. 416-417. Lee's oration, in which he used the words "First in War, First in Peace, and First in the Hearts of his Countrymen" will be found in Annals, pp. 1306–1311; G. W. P. Custis, Recollections of Washington; American State Papers, Miscellaneous, vol. i., pp. 192-194. Tuckerman's character of Washington will be found in Henry T. Tuckerman, Essays Biographical and Critical; or, Studies of Character, pp. 5–28.

Mason's funeral oration is in Works of Dr. John M. Mason, vol. iv., pp. 477-496. Talleyrand's remarks are in Lodge, George Washington, vol. i., p. 1 et seq.

* Gibbs, Administrations of Washington and Adams, vol. ii., p. 110.

Fuller, Speakers of the House, pp. 27-28.
Ford's ed. of Jefferson's Writings, vol. vii.,

p. 446.

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According to Jefferson, the Republicans were "attached to the preservation of the Federal Constitution according to its obvious principles, & those on which it was known to be received; attached equally to the preservation to the states of those rights unquestionably remaining with them; friends to the freedom of religion, freedom of the press, trial by jury, & to economical government; opposed to standing armies, paper systems, war, & all connections, other than commerce, with any foreign nation."† These policies were loudly proclaimed and caused numberless desertions from the Federalist ranks. The Republicans won many adherents, particularly among those living in rural districts, where distrust of the Federalists was strongest. Adams also was becoming less and less tactful as time passed, being described by McHenry as one who "whether spiteful, playful, witty, kind, cold, drunk, sober, angry, easy, stiff, jealous, careless, cautious, confident, close, or open, is

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OPPOSITION TO TAXES IN PENNSYLVANIA.

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so, almost always in the wrong place stitution; threatened the assessors, and to the wrong person."'*

Other events had tended also to insure Republican success in the approaching elections. In Pennsylvania the government had attempted to assess the direct tax laid by Congress in July of 1798. Of the total of $2,000,000, Pennsylvania's share was $237,177.73 and assessments were to be laid on lands, houses and slaves; but, as there were only a few over 1,700 slaves in the State, the tax fell principally on houses and lands. The land valuations were assessed in the usual way, but a new method of assessing houses unknown to the average person was adopted that of determining the worth of the house according to the number and size of the windows. As the majority of the citizens had never heard of such a method, it created no little suspicion regarding the intentions of the government. Yet it was not until the most easterly counties of the State were reached that the most serious opposition was experienced. There the Republicans were in the majority and were fully determined that the tax should not be collected. The assessors attempted to explain the workings of the new method, but the people would not listen; they cheered Jefferson and liberty and damned Adams and the Con

* Hamilton's ed. of Hamilton's Works, vol. vi., p. 479.

See Wolcott's report of May 25, 1798, American State Papers, Finance, vol. i., p. 589.

set dogs on them, threw boiling water on them when they attempted to take measurements, and threatened to shoot them in the legs. On March 4 the collectors determined to send three of their number into Bucks County to take measurements, but while engaged in this work they were warned by John Fries not to continue it. The assessors disregarded his threats, however, and continued their work until night. Then they were assaulted, but one of them escaping to Quakertown.

Meanwhile, in Lehigh County, the same opposition had been experienced, and it became necessary to make arrests. The people disregarded the warrants served by state officials, and application was made to the Federal courts. Warrants were issued

and on March 2 the marshal reached Nazareth and began to make arrests, the prisoners being sent to Bethlehem. This set the entire county aflame and the citizens resolved to free the captives. On March 7 a body of several hundred men, under the

leadership of Fries, marched to Bethlehem, and, as they entered the town,

were met by another band which had been formed for the same purpose. Some of the prisoners had been paroled, but those still in duress were held in a small room in the Old Sun

* McMaster, vol. ii., pp. 434-435.

Report of the Marshal, March 11, 1799, American State Papers, Miscellaneous, vol. i., p. 185; Annals of Congress, 6th Congress, 2d session, App., pp. 1295-1298.

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FRIES' REBELLION; PENNSYLVANIA ELECTION.

Tavern. Fries demanded that the marshal set them free, threatening that if he refused, the town would be set afire. The marshal considering it best to accede to their demands, the prisoners were liberated.*

The government now became alarmed, and on March 12 President Adams issued a proclamation calling upon the insurgents to disperse.† Governor Mifflin then summoned the militia, which, on March 20, with a body of regulars under the command of General William McPherson, proceeded to quell the insurrection ‡ Fries and a number of the leaders

were captured. When placed on trial, Fries was found guilty, but was granted a new trial when it was ascertained that one of the jurors had previously committed himself against him. In April of 1800 the new trial was held and again Fries was found guilty. He was sentenced to death, but on May 21, greatly to the surprise of the Federalists, Adams pardoned

him. Hamilton and other Federalists denounced the President's course as "a fatal concession to his enemies," and as intended to gain him

*American State Papers, Miscellaneous, vol. i., p. 186; McMaster, vol. ii., pp. 436-437.

Richardson, Messages and Papers, vol. i., pp. 286-287; John Adams, Works, vol. ix., pp. 174175.

His instructions are in American State Papers, Miscellaneous, vol. i., pp. 188-189; Annals of Congress, 6th Congress, 2d session, App., pp. 13021304.

Richardson, Messages and Papers, vol. i., pp. 303-304; John Adams, Works, vol. ix., pp. 60-61 and 178-179.

popularity in Pennsylvania in the approaching election.

In October of 1799 Pennsylvania chose a new governor. The present incumbent, Mifflin, had already served three terms, and was therefore barred by the State constitution from another term. The Republicans nominated Thomas McKean, and the Federalists chose James Ross. The campaign was bitter and personal, and when the polls had closed on October 8, McKean had carried the state. The Re

publicans celebrated this victory by parades and bonfires. †

In this same month Adams quarreled with his Cabinet, as previously stated, over the instructions to the envoys to France and as to the time of their departure; and when the details of this quarrel became public, the people became still more incensed against the Federalists.

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Meanwhile all sorts of rumors of plots, conspiracies and tales of a tub " were abroad. In February Governor Edward Rutledge, of South Carolina, was informed that a conspiracy was on foot; that four persons were on their way from Hamburg as representatives of the French Directory and armed with papers and dispatches inimical to the United States,

McMaster, vol. ii., pp. 437-438; Schouler, United States, vol. i., pp. 458-459; Wharton, State Trials, pp. 458-648. See also Mr. Gibbs' remarks, vol. ii., pp. 360-362; compare Mr. C. F. Adams' statements, John Adams, Works, vol. i., pp. 571-574. The records of the trial are in Annals of Congress, 7th Congress, 2d session, pp.

1354-1554.

McMaster, vol. ii., pp. 448-449.

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