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THE NAVY DEPARTMENT ESTABLISHED.

Stoddert took charge of the department on June 18.*

Several times Presidents Washington and Adams had urged the importance of national defence and naval preparation.† By the acts of June 23 and 24 and July 1, 1797, Congress authorized the President to provide for fortifications, to call out the militia, and to increase the force of revenue cutters. In 1797 the revenue cutter service consisted of about 15 small vessels, mostly tugs and schooners. On March 27, 1797, an act was passed providing for the equipment of the frigates United States, Constellation and Constitution. The first of these vessels to be placed in commission was the United States, which was launched at Philadelphia May 10. She was followed on September 7 by the Constellation at Baltimore and on October 21 by the Constitution at Boston.||

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Report of Secretary James McHenry, American State Papers, Naval Affairs, vol. i., pp. 28, 32. See also Allen, Our Naval War With France, p. 48; McMaster, vol. ii., p. 323, et seq.; J. F. Cooper, History of the Navy of the United States, vol. i., p. 152; Maclay, History of the Navy, vol. i., pp. 158–159. There is a variance in the date of the launching of the United States and the Constitution, some giving July 10 and others Septemtember 20. Lossing, War of 1812, p. 100, says the Constitution was launched September 20 and on p.

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On April 27 the President was empowered to build, purchase, and hire not more than twelve vessels, none of which should carry more than 22 guns, $950,000 being appropriated to construct, or purchase, arm, equip and man them. On May 4 authority was given to build or purchase not more than ten galleys; on June 22 the revenue cutter system was ordered to be increased; and on June 30 twelve additional vessels were authorized.t Of the 24 vessels provided by the acts of April 27 and June 30, 12 were to carry from 20 to 24 guns each, six not

436 says October 21. In speaking of the creation of the navy, Gallatin said: "I am sensible that an opinion of our strength will operate to a certain degree on other nations, but I think a real addition of strength will go farther in defending us than mere opinion. If the sums to be expended to build and maintain the frigates were applied to paying a part of our national debt, the payment would make us more respectable in the eyes of foreign nations than all the frigates we can build. To spend money unnecessarily at present will diminish our future resources, and, instead of enabling us, will perhaps render it more difficult for us, to build a navy some years hence.

*

Perhaps I may be asked if we are then to be left without protection. I think there are means of protection which arise from our peculiar situation, and that we ought not to borrow institutions from other nations, for which we are not fit. If our commerce was increased, notwithstanding its want of protection; if we have a greater number of seamen than any other nation except England - this, I think, points out the way in which commerce ought to be protected. The fact is, that our only mode of warfare against European nations at sea is by putting our seamen on board privateers, and covering the sea with them: these would annoy and distress them more than any other mode of defence we can adopt.”— Adams, Life of Gallatin, p. 170.

* Winsor, Narrative and Critical History, vol. vii., p. 362; Maclay, History of the Navy, vol. i., p. 162.

Cooper, Naval History, vol. i., pp. 152-153.

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THE REGULAR NAVY AND THE PRIVATEERS.

less than 32 guns, and six not more than 18 guns. On July 16 an act was passed directing the completion of the three frigates authorized in 1794. These were named the President, Congress, and Chesapeake, the first of 44 guns and the other two of 36 each. The act of June 30 provided that vessels be constructed with money advanced by citizens on the credit of the United States, and under this provision were constructed the Philadelphia and New York, 36's; the Essex, 32; the Boston and John Adams, 28's; the Merrimack, 24; the Maryland and Patapsco, 20's; and the Richmond, 18. Under the acts of April 27 and June 30 several other vessels were built or purchased and converted into war vessels; the General Greene and Adams, 28's and the George Washington, Trumbull, Connecticut, Portsmouth and Ganges, 24's. There were nearly 20 vessels of smaller size. On February 25, 1799, an act was passed authorizing six ships of the line of 74 guns each and six sloops of 18 guns each, but these provisions of the act were never carried out.*

Supplementing the regular navy were numerous privateers. The act of June 25, 1798, provided that merchant vessels might arm to protect themselves from attack by French cruisers or privateers, capture the aggressors if possible, and recapture

* Allen, Our Naval War With France, pp. 5557. See also Cooper, Naval History, vol. i., pp. 152-153; Winsor, Narrative and Critical History, vol. vii., pp. 362-363.

American vessels taken by the French. The act of July 9 authorized the President to grant special commissions to private armed ships, and such vessels, when duly commissioned, should have the same license and authority as public armed vessels to subdue, seize or capture French armed vessels. Under this act 365 private armed vessels were placed in commission before March 1, 1799. Of these, 129 came from New England, principally Massachusetts. New York, Pennsylvania, and Maryland furnished over 60 each, the rest coming from the South. Most of these vessels were armed only for defense, and carried but a small force of men and few guns. They would have little to do, since they could not attack the enemy's commerce, but only armed vessels; and the less so because French commerce had been almost entirely swept from the sea by British war vessels.*

During the French hostilities of 1798-1801, the naval force of the United States consisted of 45 vessels, of which 21 were built for the service, 11 were purchased, 5 were captured during the war, and 8 were transferred from the Treasury Department. There were about the same number of revenue cutters held ready for harbor defense, and 9 galleys built for the navy were utilized in the same service. Of the naval vessels, three were rated as 44's and six as 36 gun frigates;

* Allen, Our Naval War With France, pp. 58-59.

NAVAL OFFICERS; ADDITIONAL TAXES.

there were one 32, four 28's, six 24's, six 20's and four 18's. The others were small vessels. There were 700 officers and about 5,000 men in the navy, besides 1,100 men and officers in the marine corps.*

Among the officers were many who later became famous in the naval annals of the country: Samuel Nicholson, who was the first officer to issue orders from the deck of the Constellation; the two Decaturs, father and son; Isaac Hull; Thomas Truxtun, who took the French frigate L'Insurgente; William Bainbridge, John Rodgers, Charles Stewart, Andrew Sterett, who captured the French corvette, Berceau, and David Porter.†

To meet the expenses incident to placing the country in a state of defence, additional funds became necessary, and the subject was taken up by Congress. On being requested to furnish information as to the sum required, the Secretary of the Treasury reported on May 1, 1798, that it would be necessary to raise $2,000,000 by a direct tax on land, houses, and slaves. ‡ Bills were subsequently introduced. for the valuation of lands, the enumeration of slaves, and to levying of a

* Allen, Our Naval War with France, pp. 61–62. A list of vessels is on pp. 301-303.

McMaster, vol. ii., pp. 387-388. A full list of the commanding officers who served during the war will be found in Allen, Our Naval War With France, pp. 303-305.

For the complete report, see American State Papers, Finance, vol. i., pp. 579-588. The report of the committee, with recommendations, is in Annals of Congress, 5th Congress, 2d session, vol. ii., pp. 1563-1566.

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direct tax. On every slave from twelve to fifty years of age the tax was to be 50 cents; on every house, out-house, and lot valued at $200, 40 cents; on houses valued from $200 to $500, one-fifth of one per cent; on those valued at from $500 to $1,000, 30 cents per $100; and on estates of $30,000, one per cent.* It was not until July, however, that the President was authorized (Act July 14, 1798) to borrow $2,000,000 in anticipation of the amount. According to the estimates, the tax on houses, as proposed, would produce $1,315,000 and the tax on slaves $228,000, thus leaving to be raised by an assessment, ad valorem, on lands the sum of $457,000.† "To answer present exigencies, another act was passed [July 16, 1798] enabling the President to borrow $5,000,000 for the public service, on the most advantageous terms which could be obtained, the stock issued for the loan to be reimbursible at the end of fifteen years, and the money to be applied to make up the deficiency in the appropriations and defray the expenses of national defence. For the payment of interest and the reimbursement of principal,

*McMaster, vol. ii., p. 389. See also Bolles, Financial History, pp. 119-121. For the debate, see Annals of Congress, 5th Congress, 2d session, vol. ii., pp. 1595-1631, 1837-1854, 1893-1898, 1917-1925, 2049-2061, 2066; Benton, Abridgment of Debates, vol. ii., pp. 265-272, 302-304.

Wolcott's report, May 25, 1798, American State Papers, Finance, vol. i., pp. 588-590. See also Annals of Congress, 5th Congress, 3d session, vol. iii., pp. 3594-3597; Bolles, Financial History, p. 121; Dewey, Financial History, pp. 109, 110.

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WASHINGTON IN COMMAND OF THE ARMY.

the surplus of import and tonnage duties was bound, and the faith of the United States pledged to provide permanent revenues for any deficiency."* Though devoted to agricultural pursuits and engaged but little in affairs of the outside world,† Washington had taken a deep interest in the progress of political events. He, too, was highly indignant at the course of the French government and approved of the vigorous measures adopted for the defense of the country. When a resort to arms seemed likely, all eyes turned to Washington as the man to command the army. Letters from all sections of the country poured in upon him, and on June 22 President Adams wrote our first President: "We must have your name, if you will permit us to use it. There will be more efficacy in it than in many an army.''|| In reply, Washington said:

"At the epoch of my retirement, an invasion of these states by any European power, or even the probability of such an event in my days, was so far from being contemplated by me, that I had no conception either that, or any other occurrence, would arrive in so short a period, which could turn my eyes from the shades of Mount Vernon. But this seems to be the age of wonders; and it is

* Gibbs, Administrations of Washington and Adams, vol. ii., p. 67. See also Schouler, United States, vol. i., p. 415; Bolles, Financial History, pp. 195-197.

Tobias Lear, Letters and Recollections of George Washington (the edition by Doubleday, Page and Company, New York, 1906), gives a comprehensive insight into his private life during this period. For other details, see Sparks, Life of Washington, p. 481 et seq.

Bassett, Federalist System, p. 240.

John Adams, Works, vol. viii., p. 573; Sparks, Life of Washington, p. 483; Irving, Life of Washington, vol. v., p. 308.

reserved for intoxicated and lawless France, (for purposes far beyond the reach of human ken,) to slaughter her own citizens, and to disturb the repose of all the world besides. "From a view of the past

from the prospect of the present and of that which seems to be expected, it is not easy for me to decide satisfactorily on the part it might best become me to act. In case of actual invasion by a formidable force, I certainly should not entrench myself under the cover of age and retirement, if my services should be required by my country to assist in repelling it. And if there be good cause to expect such an event, which certainly must be better known to the government than to private citizens, delay in preparing for it may be dangerous, improper, and not to be justified by prudence. The uncertainty, however, of the latter, in my mind, creates my embarrassment; for I cannot bring it to believe, regardless as the French are of treaties and of the laws of nations, and capable as I conceive them to be of any species of despotism and injustice, that they will attempt to invade this country, after such a uniform and unequivocal expression of the determination of the people in all parts to oppose them with their lives and fortunes. That they have been led to believe by their agents and partisans among us, that we are a divided people; that the latter are opposed to their own government; and that the show of a small force would occasion a revolt, I have no doubt; and how far these men (grown desperate) will further attempt to deceive, and may succeed in keeping up the deception, is problematical. Without that, the folly of the Directory in such an attempt would, I conceive, be more conspicuous, if possible, than their wickedness.

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Having with candor made this disclosure of the state of my mind, it remains only for me to add, that to those who know me best it is best known, that should imperious circumstances induce me to exchange once more the smooth paths of retirement for the thorny ways of public life. at a period too when repose is more congenial to nature, that it would be productive of sensations which can be more easily conceived than expressed."

It will be remembered that President Adams had retained Washington's Cabinet and that the majority of the Cabinet were devoted political and personal friends of Hamilton.

THE CABINET CONCLAVE.

Differing with the President as to England's attitude toward the United States and also in their estimate of Hamilton, it was inevitable that a collision should soon occur. The first clash occurred after Congress had adjourned in July, 1798. As President, it was Adams' duty to appoint the officers of the provisional army which Congress had called into being. DeDeferring to the universal wish rather than to any strong desire of his own, Adams nominated Washington commander-in-chief, and on July 3 the Senate unanimously confirmed the choice. Secretary of War McHenry was sent to Mt. Vernon as the bearer of the commission.†

**

Meanwhile a Cabinet marplot was hatching to bring Hamilton into the second place in command and to thwart the President's natural desire to control subordinate nominations, as was his right under the Constitution. Without the President's knowledge, the Cabinet members and other Federalists attempted to accomplish their purpose by working directly on Washington. The Cabinet conclave appears to have thought that if Washington accepted the appointment as commander-in-chief, his age would prevent his taking active part in military affairs, and that if Hamilton could be placed second in command, the military operations would speed

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ily fall under his direction. Though he had lately declined an appointment by Governor Jay to the vacant New York Senatorship, Hamilton seems to have exhibited not a little anxiety for the military distinction to be gained from the second position in the army. Jay then wrote to Washington recommending Hamilton's appointment as second in command. Pickering, whose opinion carried great weight, took advantage of a delay in McHenry's departure to write a note to Washington also urging the selection of Hamilton for the second office. Hamilton, who had long before acquainted Washington with his desire for the appointment, now audaciously undertook to modify McHenry's instructions by making him the bearer of a personal letter to the commander-in-chief. Though nominally the President's confidential messenger, the Secretary of War bore a letter which not only entreated Washington (in terms which would hardly have been sanctioned by Adams) to accept his own commission, but told him, besides, that the President had no relative ideas and that his military prepossessions were of an entirely wrong sort.*

Washington was well aware of the relations existing between Hamilton and Adams. He accepted the appointment as commander-in-chief with two reservations: "First, that the principal officers should be such as he apSparks, Life of Washington, p. 484; Schouler, proved; secondly, that he should not United States, vol. i., p. 417.

Irving, Life of Washington, vol. v., p. 310;

John Adams, Works, vol. viii., pp. 573-574.

VOL. IV-27

* Schouler, United States, vol. i., p. 418.

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