THE SPURIOUS LETTERS OF WASHINGTON. 297 der the operation of the Constitution, of a servant who had been taken prisMr. Jefferson, though really the competitor for the presidency, yet, as standing second on the list of suffrages, became the vicepresident for four years. The great opponent of the federalists was thus put in a conspicuous place for the succession, by the very act of those who entertained a dread amounting almost to mania of the bare possibility of his elevation. Neither is this the only instance furnished by the records of a popular government, of a manner in which the keenest political contrivances are apt not only to baffle all the expectations formed of them, but to precipitate the very results which they were designed most sedulously to avoid."* Washington usually ignored the calumnies of his enemies, but in one instance he thought it necessary to depart from the rule laid down for himself in regard to this. In 1777 the British published a volume of forged letters, supposed to have been written by Washington to John Parke Custis and Lund Washington. These letters were said to have been found in a small portmanteau left in care its true principles, and to relinquish its bias to an English constitution, it is to be considered whether it would not be on the whole for the public good, to come to a good understanding with him as to his future elections. He is perhaps the only sure barrier against Hamilton's getting in."- Ford's ed. of Jefferson's Writings, vol. vii., p. 99; Parton, Life of Thomas Jefferson, p. 525. In regard to this, see also Madison's letters in Madison's Works (Congress ed.), vol. ii., pp. 106109. * John Adams, Works, vol. i., p. 493. oner at Fort Lee in 1776. These letters seemed to impeach the integrity of Washington's motives and to represent his inclinations as at variance with his profession and duty. The first editions of these letters had been forgotten, but they were unearthed toward the close of Washington's Presidency by the politicians of the opposing party, and were widely advertised. Washington, therefore, deemed it necessary to lay before the Secretary of State an exact account of the facts connected with the forgery. He stated that hitherto he had deemed it unnecessary to take formal notice of this imposition, but, said he, "As I cannot know how soon a more serious event may succeed to that which this day will take place, I have thought it a duty that I owed to myself, to my country, and to truth, now to detail the circumstances above recited, and to add my solemn declaration, that the letters herein described are a base forgery; and that I never saw or heard of them until they appeared in print. The present letter I commit to your care, and desire it may be deposited in the office of the department of state, as a testimony of the truth to the present generation and to posterity."* Shortly before the close of Washington's ington's term, an event occurred * See Lodge, George Washington, vol. ii., p. 253; Irving, Life of Washington, vol. iii., pp. 381-382, vol. v., p. 286; Ford, Spurious Letters of Washington; Ford's ed. of Washington's Writings, vol. xiii., pp. 266, 366, 378, 427, note. 298 WASHINGTON'S RETIREMENT. which is thus related by Bishop White: "On the day before President Washington retired from office, a large company dined with him. Among them were the foreign ministers and their ladies, Mr. and Mrs. Adams, Mr. Jefferson and other conspicuous persons of both sexes. During the dinner much hilarity prevailed; but, on the removal of the cloth, it was put an end to by the President, certainly without design. Having filled his glass he addressed of his country. That Washington looked forward with great pleasure to his retirement, is evident from his letters. Writing to Knox, he said: "To the wearied traveller who sees a restingplace, and is bending his body to lean thereon, I now compare myself; but to be suffered to do this in peace is too much to be endured by some. To misrepresent my motives, to reprobate my politics, and to weaken the confidence which has been reposed in my administration, are objects which cannot be relinquished by those who will be dissatisfied with nothing short of a change in our political system. The consolation, however, which results from conscious rectitude, and the approving voice of my country, unequivocally ex the company with a smile, as nearly pressed by its representatives, deprive their sting as can be recollected in the following words: Ladies and gentlemen, this is the last time I shall drink your health as a public man. I do it with sincerity, wishing you all possible happiness.' There was an end to all pleasantry. He who gives this relation accidently directed his eye to the lady of the British minister, Mrs. Liston, and tears were running down her checks."'* The citizens of Philadelphia gave a splendid banquet in Washington's honor, which was attended by many of the most distinguished men in the country. After performing the duties of courtesy toward the Presidentelect, Washington hastened to Mt. Vernon, being everywhere on the road greeted with great enthusiasm. His efforts to make his journey in privacy were unavailing, as in every part of the country through which he passed the people were eager to testify their high regard for the father *Sparks, Life of Washington, p. 477. of its poison, and place in the same point of view both the weakness and malignity of their efforts. Although the prospect of retirement is most grateful to my soul, and I have not a wish to mix again in the great world, or to partake in its politics, yet I am not without my regrets at parting with (perhaps never more to meet) the few intimates whom I love. Among these, be assured, you are one." The results of Washington's eight years in office are summed up by one historian as follows: "In the midst of the most appalling obstacles, through the bitterest internal dissensions, and the most formidable combinations of foreign antipathies and caba's, he had subdued all opposition to the Constitution itself; had averted all dangers of European war; had redeemed the captive children of his country from Algiers; had reduced by chastisement, and conciliated by kindness, the most hostile of the Indian tribes; had restored the credit of the nation, and redeemed their reputation of fidelity to the performance of their obligations; had provided for the total extinguishment of the public debt; had settled the Union upon the immovable foundation of principles, and had drawn around his head for the admiration and emulation of after times, a brighter blaze of glory than had ever encircled the brows of hero or statesman, patriot or sage.” * * Jubilee of the Constitution, p. 113. Mr. Gibbs (vol. i., pp. 444-450) makes some eloquent remarks and interesting reflections on the subject of Washington's retirement into private life. CONDITIONS AT END OF WASHINGTON'S PRESIDENCY. Marshall contrasts the conditions in 1797 with those in 1788 as follows: "At home, a sound credit had been created; an immense floating debt had been funded in a manner perfectly satisfactory to the creditors; an ample revenue had been provided; those difficulties which a system of internal taxation, on its first introduction, is doomed to encounter, were completely removed; and the authority of government was firmly established. Funds for the gradual payment of the debt had been provided; a considerable part of it had been actually discharged; and that system which has operated its entire extinction, had been matured and adopted. The agricultural and commercial wealth of the nation had increased beyond all former example. The numerous tribes of warlike Indians, inhabiting those immense tracts which lie between the then cultivated country and the Mississippi, had been taught, by arms and by justice, to respect the United States, and to continue in peace. This desirable object having been accomplished, that humane system was established, for civilizing and furnishing them with those conveniences of life which improve their condition, and secure their attachment. "Abroad, the differences with Spain had been accommodated, and the free navigation of the Mississippi had been acquired, with the use of New Orleans as a place of deposit for three years, and afterwards, until some other equivalent place should be designated. Those causes of mutual exasperation which had threatened to involve the 299 United States in war with the greatest maritime and commercial power in the world, had been removed; and the military posts which had been occupied within their territory from their existence as a nation, had been evacuated. Treaties had been formed with Algiers and with Tripoli, and no captures appear to have been made by Tunis; so that the Mediterranean was opened to American vessels. "This bright prospect was indeed shaded by the discontents of France. Those who have attended to the points of difference between the two nations, will assign the causes to which these discontents are to be ascribed, and will judge whether it was in the power of the president to have avoided them without surrendering the real independence of the nation, and the most invaluable of all rights, the right of self-government. Such was the situation of the United States at the close of Washington's administration. Their condition at its commencement will be recollected; and the contrast is too striking not to be observed. That this beneficial change in the affairs of America is to be ascribed exclusively to the wisdom which guided the national councils, will not be pretended. That many of the causes which produced it originated with the government, and that their successful operation was facilitated, if not secured, by the system which was adopted, can scarcely be denied. To estimate that system correctly, their real influence must be allowed to those strong prejudices and turbulent passions with which it was assailed." * APPENDIX TO CHAPTER IX. WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS. "FRIENDS AND FELLOW CITIZENS:- The period for a new election of a citizen to administer the Executive Government of the United States being not far distant, and the time actually arrived when your thoughts must be employed in designating the person who is to be clothea with that important trust, it appears to me proper, especially as it may conduce to a more distinct expression of the public voice, that I should now apprise you of the resolution I have formed to decline being considered among the number of those out of whom a choice is to be made. "I beg you at the same time to do me the justice to be assured that this resolution has not been taken without a strict regard to all the considerations appertaining to the relation which binds a dutiful citizen to his country; and that in withdrawing the tender of service, which silence in my situation might imply, I am influenced by no diminution of zeal for your future interest, * Sparks devotes several pages to the consideration of Mr. Jefferson's conduct toward Washington, in which he says that "after all, it is not easy to be convinced, that Jefferson is not, in some degree, chargeable with delinquency towards Washington during the latter years of his life."- Life of Washington, p. 478 et seq. |