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had been chosen, the Northern electore were to be persuaded to vote equally for the two candidates, so that if the Vice-Presidential candidate could secure a scattered vote in his own section, he could come in first, making the more manageable president. The ostensible reason given by Hamilton and his friends for persuading Federalist electors of the North to cast their votes equally for Adams and Pinckney was, to prevent the elevation of Jefferson to either place.* The struggle was exciting and was watched with great interest, both abroad and at home. In addition to the usual vituperation, a remarkable incident occurred when the French minister, Adet, in order to aid Jefferson's candidacy, attempted to interfere with the elections.†

In June of 1795, when Adet reached America, he was directed to present to the government the flag of the French republic. It was not until January, 1796, however, that this was done, on which occasion, Adet, beside delivering a letter from the Committee of Public Safety to Congress, made an address in which he said:

* Schouler, United States, vol. i., pp. 342-343. See also John Adams, Works, vol. i., pp. 490-493; Morse, John Adams, p. 257 et seq.

The elder Wolcott, one of the most influential of the New England Federalists, declared that, if Jefferson were elected President (which could be brought about only by French intrigue) the Northern States would separate from the Southern and never again form a union with them, save for military purposes.- Gibbs, Memoir of Wolcott, vol. i., p. 409. Regarding French influence, see also pp. 401, 492.

“Long accustomed to regard the American people as her most faithful allies, she has sought to draw closer the ties already formed in the fields of America, under the auspices of victory, over the ruins of tyranny. The National Convention, the organ of the will of the French nation, have more than once expressed their sentiments to the American people; but above all, these burst forth on that August day, when the minister of the United States presented to the National Representation the colors of his country. Desiring never to lose recollections as dear to Frenchmen as they must be to Americans, the Convention ordered that these colors should be placed in the hall of their sittings. They had experienced sensations too agreeable not to cause them to be partaken of by their allies, and decreed that to them the national colors should be presented."*

In reply, Washington said:

"Born, sir, in a land of liberty, having early learned its value; having engaged in a perilous conflict to defend it; having, in a word, devoted the best years of my life to secure its permanent establishment in my own country; my anxious recollections, my sympathetic feelings, and my best wishes, are irresistibly attracted, whensoever, in any country, I see an oppressed nation unfurl the banner of freedom. # * I receive, sir, with lively sensibility, the symbol of the triumphs and of the enfranchisement of your nation, the colors of France, which you have now presented to the United States. The transaction will be announced to Congress, and the colors will be deposited with those archives of the United States, which are at once the evidence of the memorials of their freedom and independence. May these be perpetual, and may the friendship of the two republics be commensurate with their existence." +

The address, together with the letter from the Committee of Safety, and the French colors, were transmitted to Congress on January 4, and both Houses expressed sentiments of friendship for the French nation.

* Annals of Congress, 4th Congress, 1st session, pp. 197-198. Ibid, pp. 198-199; Benton, Abridgment, vol. i., pp. 615-617.

This did not satisfy Adet, however, for he was offended because the French colors were not placed in a conspicuous position in the House of Representatives.* He addressed a note to the President, protesting against this, saying that, as the American flag had been placed in the hall of the French legislative body, the American Congress should accord the French flag the same honor. The Secretary of State replied that it was not customary for the people of the United States to exhibit in their deliberative assemblies "any public spectacles or tokens of their victories, the symbols of their triumphs, or the monuments of their freedom.'

Adet had profited by Gênet's experience and had learned that the American government could not be diverted from a settled policy. So he resolved to obtain the same end. by different means; he decided to take a hand in the Presidential election then approaching, as we have before related. He wrote numerous letters to the Secretary of State, sending copies of them to be published in the Democratic Aurora. The first of these letters, written October 27, 1796, stated that the French gov ernment had decreed that she would treat ships of neutrals in precisely the same manner as they allowed as they allowed themselves to be treated by England. On November 15, 1796, he wrote another letter in which he demanded,

*Madison to Monroe, January 26, 1796, Madison's Works (Congress ed.), vol. ii., p. 74.

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"in the name of American honor, in the name of the faith of treaties, the execution of that contract which assured to the United States their existence, and which France regarded as the pledge of the most sacred union between two peoples, the freest upon earth." He then added: In a word, the French minister announces to the Secretary of State the resolution of a government terrible to its enemies, but generous to its allies." He contrasted the warmth of France for America and the coldness of America toward France.

*

In

"When Europe rose up against the republic at its birth, menaced it with all the horrors of war and famine; when, on every side, the French could not calculate upon any but enemies, their thoughts turned towards America. America they saw friends. Those who went to brave tempests and death upon the ocean, forgot all dangers in order to indulge the hope of visiting that American continent, where, for the first time, the French colors had been displayed in favor of liberty. Under the guarantee of the law of nations, under the protecting shade of a solemn treaty, they expected to find in the ports of the United States an asylum as sure as at home; they thought, if I might use the expression, there to find a second country. The French government thought as they did. O hope, worthy of a faithful people, how hast thou been deceived! So far from offering the French the succor which friendship might have given without compromising it, the American government, in this respect, violated the faith of treaties."

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66

*

*

*

Having consented to such conditions, the American government cannot pretend to impartiality. The undersigned minister plenipotentiary moreover declares that the Executive Directory regards the treaty of commerce concluded with Great Britain as a violation of the treaty made with France in 1778, and equiv alent to a treaty of alliance with Great Britain; and that they have given him orders to suspend from this moment his ministerial functions with the federal government.

"But the cause which has so long restrained the just resentment of the Executive Directory from bursting forth, now tempered its effects. The name of America, notwithstanding the wrongs of its government, still excited sweet sensations in the hearts of Frenchmen; and the Executive Directory wished not to break with a people whom they loved to salute with the appellation of friend."

He said further that the suspension of his functions should not be regarded "as a rupture between France and the United States, but as a mark of just discontent which was to last until the government of the United States returned to sentiments and to measures more conformable to the in

* See Turner, in Report of the American Historical Association for 1903, vol. ii., pp. 727, 836, 882, 969-972.

terests of the alliance, and to the sworn friendship between the two nations." tions." He concluded as follows:

"Oh Americans, covered with noble scars! Oh you who have so often flown to death and to victory with French soldiers! You who know those generous sentiments which distinguish the true warrior! Whose hearts have always vibrated with those of your companions in arms! Consult them to-day to know what they experience; recollect at the same time, that if magnanimous souls with livelinesss resent an affront, they also know how to forget one. Let your government return to itself, and you will still find in Frenchmen, faithful friends and generous allies."

Adet overshot the mark, however, for he does not seem to have comprehended the sensitiveness of Americans to outside interference. Instead of aiding the cause of Jefferson, his words had the opposite effect; they only nerved the Federalists to greater exertion to defeat him.*

On December 5, 1796, before the election was decided, Congress assembled.

Two days later, Washing

* McMaster, vol. ii., pp. 300–302. See also Madison's Works (Congress ed.), vol. ii., p. 107; Hildreth, United States, vol. iv., pp. 681-685; American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. i., pp. 580-583.

66

On the first day of the session, a delegate [Andrew Jackson] from the newly-added state of Tennessee appeared, was qualified, and took his seat; one who, young and unknown as he then was, destiny had marked out as the future ruler of the nation, into whose grand council he now came as the first Representative of its youngest member; and how many on that floor foresaw, in his gaunt frame and iron visage, a successor of him who was now to bid them farewell, the man who, for good or for evil, was to wield the future destinies of his country with the power of a Cæsar!"- Gibbs, Administrations of Washington and Adams, vol. i., p. 405. Schouler, United States, vol. i., p. 347.

See,

also

ton met both Houses in the Senate Chamber and delivered his last annual address.* He spoke first of the measures instituted to insure a continuance of the friendship of the Indians, then of the progress made by the commissioners appointed under the Jay Treaty, of the appointment of commissioners to determine the boundary line between Spanish and American dominions, and of the state of negotiations with Algiers. He recommended that an adequate naval force be created to protect our external commerce, to secure respect of a neutral flag, and especially to protect American commerce in the Mediterranean. He called the attention of Congress to the encouragement of manufactures and agriculture and to the establishment of a national university and a military academy.

Alluding to the late conduct of the French government, Washington said: "While in our external relations some serious inconveniences and embarrassments had been overcome and others lessened, it is with much pain and deep regret I mention that circumstances of a very unwelcome nature have lately occurred. Our trade has suffered and is suffering extensive injuries in the West Indies from the cruisers and agents of the French Republic, and com

Richardson, Messages and Papers, vol. i., pp. 199-204; Annals of Congress, 4th Congress, 2d session, pp. 1592-1597; Benton, Abridgment of Debates, vol. ii., pp. 15–16.

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munications have been received from its minister here which indicate the danger of further disturbance of our commerce by its authority, and which are in many respects far from agreeable." Reserving this matter for a special message, he spoke of the flourishing state of the revenue, expressed the hope for a speedy extinguishment of the debt and his solicitude to see the militia placed in an efficient condition, concluding his message as follows:

"The situation in which I now stand for the last time, in the midst of the representatives of the people of the United States, naturally recalls the period when the administration of the present form of government commenced, and I can not omit the occasion to congratulate you and my country on the success of the experiment, nor to repeat my fervent supplications

*

that the virtue and happiness of the people may be preserved, and that the Government which they have instituted for the protection of their liberties may be perpetual."

The Senate returned a cordial answer, but in the House there was considerable debate over a number of the paragraphs. William Giles, Andrew Jackson, and several others voted to expunge such paragraphs as expressed attachment to the person and character of the President, approbation of his administration, or regret at his retirement from office.* After an animated debate,t the motion to strike out such paragraphs was lost,

* Bassett, Federalist System, pp. 147-148.

For which see Annals of Congress, 4th Congress, 2d session, pp. 1611-1668; Benton, Abridgment of Debates, vol. ii., pp. 17-19, 21-34.

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and the answer was carried by a large majority.*

Little was done during the present session of Congress, the election absorbing all the attention of its members. There was little disposition to attend to official duties at so interesting a time. The election served to emphasize Washington's warning against geographical parties, for it showed a very marked division in this respect. In all the States the contests had been close, and in all the States north of Pennsylvania as well as in Delaware Federalist electors had been chosen. This did not fully test sectional strength, however, for in Massachusetts a Federalist legislature had filled all district vacancies for which no popular elections had taken place, and in both New York and Connecticut the electors were chosen by the legislatures. In Pennsylvania the Federalists had secured the enactment of a law requiring that Presidential electors be chosen on a general ticket, instead of by districts. This proved their undoing, for it was just what the Republicans desired. To the chagrin of the Federalists, the Republicans carried the State, many Quakers voting the Jefferson ticket in preference to the Adams ticket, because they desired that France be pacified. On February 8, the electoral votes were opened in the presence of both Houses, showing the following result:

Richardson, Messages and Papers, vol. i., pp. 204-210; McMaster, vol. ii., p. 304.

It will be seen that the electoral vote was so close that the change of two ballots might have reversed the results. This was a warning not sufficiently heeded. The plan for a double Federalist chance with Adams and Pinckney had failed, as the New England electors, in obedience to the popular mandate, stood firmly by their first candidate and threw away on the second.*

Thus Adams became the second President of the United States, and Jefferson, the man most dreaded by the Federalists, became Vice-President.† "Hence," says Adams, " un

Schouler, United States, vol. i., pp. 347-348, 533; Todd, The True Aaron Burr, p. 14; Parton, Life and Times of Aaron Burr, p. 198; Morse, John Adams, p. 261 et seq.

Stanwood, History of Presidential Elections, pp. 26-29; Annals of Congress, 4th Congress, 2d session, pp. 2096-2097. On January 1, 1797, before the result of the election was known, Jefferson wrote to Madison and others, declaring how gladly he would take the second office in preference to the first and adding: "If Mr. Adams can be induced to administer the government on