sponsibility of an anticipated defeat. He declares the rebel force to be some 200,000, regrets his "great inferiority of numbers," but protests that he is not responsible for it, as he has repeatedly and constantly called for re-enforcements, and declares that if the result of the action is a disaster, the "responsibility cannot be thrown on his shoulders, but must rest where it belongs." He closes by announcing that a reconnoissance which he had ordered had proved successful, that he should probably be attacked the next day, and that he felt "that there was no use in again asking for re-enforcements." To this the President replied as follows:

WASHINGTON, June 26, 1862.

Your three dispatches of yesterday in relation, ending with the statement that you completely succeeded in making your point, are very gratifying. The later one, suggesting the probability of your being overwhelmed by 200,000 men, and talking of to whom the responsibility will belong, pains me very much. I give you all I can, and act on the presumption that you will do the best you can with what you have; while you continue, ungenerously I think, to assume that I could give you more if I would. I have omitted-I shall omit-no opportunity to send you re-enforcements whenever I can.

A. LINCOLN.

Gen. McClellan had foreseen the probhbility of being attacked, and had made arrangements for a defeat. "More than a week previous," he says in his report, "that is, on the 18th," he had prepared for a retreat to the James River, and had ordered supplies to that point. His extreme right was attacked at Mechanicsville on the afternoon of the 26th, but the enemy were repulsed. The movement, however, disclosed the purpose of the rebel army to crush his right wing and cut off his communications, if possible. Two plans were open to his adoption: he might have brought over his left wing, and so strengthened his right as to give it a victory, or he might have withdrawn his right across the Chickahominy-in itself a strong defensive line-and have pushed his whole force into

GEN. M'CLELLAN PREPARES FOR DEFEAT. 253

Richmond, and upon the rear of the attacking force. Concentration seemed to be absolutely essential to success in any event. But he did not attempt it. He left the right wing to contend next day with 30,000 men, without support, against the main body of the rebel army, and only withdrew it across the Chickahominy after it had been beaten with terrific slaughter on the 27th, in the battle of Gaines's Mill. On the evening of that day he informed his corps commanders of his purpose to fall back to the James River, and withdrew the remainder of his right wing across the Chickahominy. On the next day the whole army was put in motion on the retreat; and Gen. McClellan found time again to reproach the Government with neglect of his army. If he had 10,000 fresh men to use at once, he said, he could take Richmond; but as it was, all he could do would be to cover his retreat. He repeated that he was "not responsible" for the result, and that he must have instantly very large re-enforcements; and closed by saying to the Secretary of War-what we do not believe any subordinate was ever before permitted to say to his superior officer without instant dismissal-" If I save this army now, I tell you plainly that I owe no thanks to you or to any persons in Washington: you have done your best to sacrifice this army." To this dispatch the President replied as follows:

WASHINGTON, June 28, 1862. Save your army at all events. Will send re-enforcements as fast as we can. Of course, they cannot reach you to-day, to-morrow, or next day. I have not said you were ungenerous for saying you needed reenforcements; I thought you were ungenerous in assuming that I did not send them as fast as I could. I feel any misfortune to you and your army quite as keenly as you feel it yourself. If you have had a drawn battle or a repulse, it is the price we pay for the enemy not being in Washington. We protected Washington, and the enemy concentrated on you. Had we stripped Washington, he would have been upon us before the troops sent could have got to you. Less than a

PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S ADMINISTRATIO

week ago you notified us that re-enforcements were lea to come in front of us. It is the nature of the case, an nor the Government is to blame.

Under general orders from General McClellan, staff proceeding in advance, and leaving word whe commanders were to make successive stands to re but taking no part personally in any one of the su gagements, the army continued its march towards They first resisted and repulsed the pursuing rebels at Savage Station, in a bloody battle, fought under G ner, and on the 30th had another severe engagem dale. On the 1st of July, our troops, strongly po vern Hill, were again attacked by the rebels, wh pulsed and routed with terrible slaughter; and ord once issued for the further retreat of the army to Landing, which General McClellan had personally and selected on the day before. Even before th Malvern Hill, he had telegraphed to Washington troops," saying he should fall back to the river if p which dispatch he received the following reply:

WASHINGTON, July 1, 1862It is impossible to re-enforce you for your present emerge had a million of men we could not get them to you in time. not the men to send. If you are not strong enough to face you must find a place of security, and wait, rest, and repai your ground if you can, but save the army at all events, fall back to Fort Monroe. We still have strength enough in and will bring it out. A.

Major-General G. B. MCCLELLAN.

On the next day, in reply to a request from Gener lan for 50,000 more troops, the President thus addre

WASHINGTON, July

Your dispatch of yesterday induces me to hope that yo having some rest. In this hope, allow me to reason with yo

GEN. M'CLELLAN'S CALL FOR MORE MEN.

255

ment. When you ask for 50,000 men to be promptly sent you, you surely labor under some gross mistake of fact. Recently you sent papers showing your disposal of forces made last spring for the defence of Washington, and advising a return to that plan. I find it included in and about Washington 75,000 men. Now, please be assured that I have not men enough to fill that very plan by 15,000. All of General Fremont's in the Valley, all of General Banks's, all of General McDowell's not with you, and all in Washington taken together, do not exceed, if they reach, 60,000. With General Wool and General Dix added to those mentioned, I have not, outside of your army, 75,000 men east of the mountains. Thus, the idea of sending you 50,000, or any other considerable forces promptly, is simply absurd. If in your frequent mention of responsibility you have the impression that I blame you for not doing more than you can, please be relieved of such impression. I only beg, that in like manner, you will not ask impossibilities of me. If you think you are not strong enough to take Richmond just now, I do not ask you to try just now. Save the army, material, and personnel, and I will strengthen it for the offensive again as fast as I can. The governors of eighteen States offer me a new levy of 300,000, which I accept. A. LINCOLN.

On the next day, the 3d, General McClellan again wrote for 100,000 men- "more rather than less," in order to enable him to "accomplish the great task of capturing Richmond, and putting an end to the rebellion ;" and at the same time he sent his chief of staff, General Marcy, to Washington, in order to secure a perfect understanding of the state of the army. The General said he hoped the enemy was as completely worn out as his own army, though he apprehended a new attack, from which, however, he trusted the bad condition of the roads might protect him. On the 4th, he repeated his call for "heavy re-enforcements," but said he held a very strong position, from which, with the aid of the gunboats, he could only be driven by overwhelming numbers. On the same day he received the following from the President:

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON CITY, D. C., July 4, 1862.

I understand your position as stated in your letter, and by General Marcy. To re-enforce you so as to enable you to resume the offensive

within a month, or even six weeks, is impossible. In addition to that arrived and now arriving from the Potomac (about ten thousand men, I suppose), and about ten thousand, I hope, you will have from Burnside very soon, and about five thousand from Hunter a little later, I do not see how I can send you another man within a month. Under these circumstances, the defensive, for the present, must be your only care. Save the army, first, where you are, if you can; and secondly, by removal, if you must. You, on the ground, must be the judge as to which you will attempt, and of the means for effecting it. I but give it as my opinion, that with the aid of the gunboats and the re-enforcements mentioned above, you can hold your present position; provided, and so long as you can keep the James River open below you. If you are not tolerably confident you can keep the James River open, you had better remove as soon as possible. I do not remember that you have expressed any apprehension as to the danger of having your communication cut on the river below you, yet I do not suppose it can have escaped your attention. A. LINCOLN.

P. S.-If at any time you feel able to take the offensive, you are not restrained from doing so.

A. L.

At this point on the 7th of July, General McClellan sent to the President a letter of advice on the general conduct of his Administration. He thought the time had come "when the Government should determine upon a civil and military policy covering the whole ground of our national trouble," and he proceeded to lay down the basis of such a policy as ought to be adopted. The war against the rebellion, he said, "should not be a war looking to the subjugation of the people of any State in any event. Neither confiscation of property, political execution of persons, territorial organization of States, nor forcible abolition of slavery, should be contemplated for a moment. He added:"

Military power should not be allowed to interfere with the relations of servitude, either by supporting or impairing the authority of the master, except for repressing disorder, as in other cases. Slaves, contraband, under the act of Congress, seeking military protection, should