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positioning of troops in a cordon in the vicinity of the White House during the demonstration is necessary to the carrying out of his protective functions.

One other factor might be noted. The President has signified his intention to be at Cape Kennedy on

November 14. If this present plan materializes, he

would be absent from the White House during part of the planned demonstrations.

Nevertheless, this factor would

not alone justify a conclusion that positioning of troops in the vicinity of the White House is unwarranted.

The

The protective function extends to the President's family as well as himself and to the Vice-President. Supreme Court indicated in Watts v. United States, supra, that it extends to the performance of the President's duties as well as his person. The protection of the Vice-President, should he be in his executive office, or to members of the President's family in the White House would justify necessary protective measures. over, the protection of the President with respect tc performance of his duties requires that he be assured

More

safe and immediate access to his primary office in the White House at all times. Assuring such access, even in his temporary absence, would appear to be a necessary

concomitant of the protective functions of the Secret

Service.

william

William H. Rehnquist

Assistant Attorney General
Office of Legal Counsel

JNM:WI.

:la 1, 1971

MEMORANDUN FOR THE SECRETARY OF DEFENSE

:

Pursuant to the Interdepartmental Action Plan

of April 1, 1969, and our orandum of understanding of November 12, 1989, the President as directed me, and I accordingly direct you, to deploy and use such numbers of the Armed Forces of the United States and of the D. C. National Guard as may be required to protect against unlawful interference the property, personnel and functions of the Federal and District of Columbia Governants, including the unlawful interference with formal travel patterns of federal employees to their place of work in the city of Washington and in neighboring federal installations on May 1 through 5. It is my opinion, and I so advise you, that the Armed Forces may be so used without the necessity of a Presidential Proclamation under 10 U.S.C. 334, and without violation or tac Posse Comitatus Act. The authority of the President extends to the use of such measures as may be required, including the use of troops as above directed, to preserve the normal operations of the Federal Government. It is quite plain that the announced intentions of those who seek to disrupt the operations of the Government during the beginning of next week may well be successful unless, in addition to regular law enforcement personnel, the Armed Forces are likewise made available in tas manner described above. The Federal Government has both the right and the duty to assure itself of

the essential services of the countless federal employees who regularly work in the City of Washington and at neighboring federal installations.

Attorney General

THE NEW YORK TIMES, TUESDAY, JULY 7, 1981

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Since first coming to Congress, I have
always welcomed the free exchange of
ideas with those whose views might be
different from my own. I cannot, how-
ever, allow to go unchallenged the er-
roneous implications used by Christo-
pher Pyle in his June 28 Op-Ed article
attacking my legislation aimed at
bringing drug smuggling under control.

Far from being a "radical intru-
sion" into our civil liberties, my bill,
which has already won the approval of
the House Armed Services Committee,
simply allows the military to give oc-
casional and strictly controlled assist-
ance to civilian law enforcement
through the sharing of personnel,
equipment and facilities. The care-
fully defined parameters for the use of
military personnel preserves the
traditional separation from civilian
law enforcement by allowing them to
be used only if the operation might not
succeed without their help and then
only under direct civilian control.

Anyone who maintains that stopping
drug smugglers is "routine law en-
forcement" either does not grasp the
menace of the drug culture or has been
in an ivory tower much too long. Nar-

cotics trafficking is a multibillion-dol-
lar business that has caused over a
million deaths and injuries since the
mid-1970's. In my home state of Flor-
ida, smuggling has surpassed even
tourism as the biggest industry and
has spawned a massive network of or-
ganized crime which is out of control.

Our ability to deal with these smug-
glers is hampered by what the courts
have described as an "obscure and all
but forgotten" statute passed at the
end of Reconstruction known as Posse
Comitatus. Anything but a heady con-
stitutional principle, this law was
enacted with strong racial overtones
as an outgrowth of Southern anger
over the use of troops to enforce the
edicts of carpetbagger governments.
Further, my bill does not repeal" this
law but simply follows its provisions
which allow for direct military assist-
ance when "expressly authorized by
Congress." In fact, Congress has on at
least 22 separate occasions granted
such authority in areas ranging from
removing trespassers from national
parks and reservations to protecting
discoverer's rights on guano deposits.

Dr. Pyle's assertion that my provi
sions for sharing military equipment

and facilities would turn the armed
forces into advisers for SWAT teams or
into prison wardens and equipment
rental agencies reduces my bill to the
absurd. Such claims are about as accu-
rate as his statement that, "The mill-
tary opposes this legislation as a raid
upon its resources," when in fact they
support allowing the sharing of equip
ment, facilities and intelligence.

It is difficult to imagine any scenario
where I or any other member of the
Armed Services Committee for that
matter, would support a bill which
would lessen our military readiness.

Dr. Pyle raised these same points
before one of the most liberal subcom-
mittees in the House and his testimony
was unanimously rejected. But he is
right in one area; for it is time this
country declared "holy war" against
what has become our most elusive and
dangerous enemy. The question which
we all must decide is simple: Are we
going to make a commitment to stop
drugs or must we wait until they de
stroy the health, the minds, and the
lives of a generation of our youth?

CHARLES E. BENNETT
Member of Congress, 3d Dist., Fla:
Washington, June 29, 1981

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SATURDAY, JULY 4, 1981

Pentagon Balking at Joining Drug War

By STUART TAYLOR Jr.

Special to The New York TimOS

WASHINGTON, June 28 - Proposals to involve the armed forces more actively in stemming the huge flow of ille gal drugs and illegal aliens into the United States have won the qualified endorsement of the Justice Department and may result in potentially far-reaching legislation this year.

aircraft on missions outside the United States aimed at seizing drugs and arresting smugglers, and on missions any where aimed at surveillance of air and sea traffic.

Mr. Giuliani's position, explained in a June 8 letter to the chairman of the

House Judiciary Committee, Peter W. Rodino Jr., Democrat of New Jersey, differs in some respects from that taken by the Defense Department's general counsel, William H. Taft 4th.

But these proposals have aroused concern and opposition among two unlikely bedfellows, the Pentagon and the American Civil Liberties Union, as well as other civil libertarians, including former Senator Sam J. Ervin Jr. of North Carolina, who are concerned about the American tradition of keeping the military separate from routine law enforcemake arrests or seizures.

ment.

Supporters of a more active military role in combating illegal drug traffic assert that the nation's vast military resources and manpower "could be of major assistance in stemming violent crime or conditions which contribute to it," in the words of a report earlier this month by the Attorney General's Task Force on Violent Crime.

The Senate and the Armed Services and Judiciary Committees of the House have all approved proposals to authorize and encourage greater military assistance to civilian law-enforcement officials.

Differences in Views

All three versions provide for sharing military intelligence and equipment, but there is considerable disagreement among sponsors of the competing versions as to whether military personnel should be authorized to operate equipment used for law-enforcement purposes or to participate in arrests, searches and seizure.

Associate Attorney General Rudolph W. Giuliani has approved proposed legislation authorizing the use of mili ary personnel to assist law-enforcement agencies by operating ships and

Mr. Taft has opposed new legislation that would involve military personnel in tense or violent confrontations, which could arise if the crews of naval vessels or military helicopters accompanied law-enforcement officials seeking to

Civil Liberties Issue

Broader concerns have also been raised by Defense Department officials and civil libertarians alike. They fear that any erosion of the long tradition of keeping the armed forces out of routine law enforcement, embodied in the Posse Comitatus Act of 1878, could detract from military preparedness, blur the historic separation between the military and civilian government and threaten civil liberties.

"The military forces should never be used for law-enforcement purposes, even for the purpose of suppressing the drug traffic," Mr. Ervin wrote in a June 2 letter to Representative William J. Hughes, Democrat of New Jersey, chairman of the Judiciary Subcommittee on Crime. Mr. Ervin recalled such past abuses as the widespread spying on civilians by Army intelligence agents in the 1960's.

The Posse Comitatus Act in its present form makes it a crime to use "any part of the Army or Air Force as a posse comitatus or otherwise to execute the laws." A posse comitatus is defined as a vigilante group summoned by a sheriff or lawmaker to help keep the peace, as in a riot.

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The law's limitations have been ap plied to the Navy by internal rule. Congress has carved out many exceptions to the law in the past, including suppres sion of insurrections and other civil disorders.

The law has also been interpreted to allow such incidental forms of military cooperation with law enforcement as letting Drug Enforcement Administra tion agents ride along on military training flights and radar planes to looks for low-flying aircraft smuggling drugs.

The special advisory group's report recommended that the Attorney General ask the Navy to help "detect airborne and waterborne drug traffic," as be is authorized to do under current law.

The proposal that is currently the focus of discussion in the house was attached to the Defense Department's authorization bill by Representative Charles E. Bennett, Democrat of Florida.

The Bennett proposal, which the House Armed Services Committee ap proved in May, would amend the Posse Comitatus Act to authorize, but not re quire, the Defense Department to help drug enforcement officials operate loaned military equipment and assist in drug seizures and arrests.

It would also seek to remove legal doubts as to the Defense Department's authority to share "Information collected during the normal course of mili tary operations" with law-enforcement officials, to lend military equipment, base facilities and research facilities, and to provide training and advice.

Mr. Giuliani's letter approved an amended version of the Bennett proposal. It would specify that military crews may accompany civilian law enforcement officials making arrests, searches and seizures only on missions outside the United States, and that even on such extraterritorial missions the participation of the military personnel should be limited to operating the equip

ment.

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