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nounced, as state chairman, that the committee would accept no money from corporations or railroads. He started in on his reform campaign; exit section boss, and enter statesman.

He elected Hoch, but within three months the machine men had more influence with Hoch than he had himself; Hoch "joined." When Stubbs lost the friendship of his governor he went ahead into the state convention of 1906 and tried to get his remaining reforms into the platform. He had no standing in the platform committee, and he was incontinently licked. He lost his prestige, he lost his state chairmanship, he was a far poorer figure than when he entered politics.

But the section boss enters again. Stubbs, deposed, began organizing Kansas voters' leagues, and giving to them as principles his planks that were thrown out of the Kansas Republican convention. He made speeches - many of them — and many of them—and he convinced the people of Kansas that he was honest; he blurted out things pleasant and unpleasant, but he proved facts. He probably would not have succeeded as he did, however, had he not been used to organizing construction work employing 3,000 or 4,000 men and 2,000 or 3,000 teams - $1,000,000 jobs.

He talked to the men of the state over the telephone. When he began his fight there were many influential men in Kansas who were unused to the sensation of being called to the long distance office to have a state leader converse with them at lunch, and vanity always is vanity. And it is estimated that he sometimes spent $25 a day on telegrams — phenomenal in Kansas.

He ran for the legislature again, in the fall of 1906. Beaten and thrown out in June, he had his leagues going in August, had the majority of the legislature pledged in September, was a candidate for the legislature in November, was elected, and began his third term in that body the first of the year following.

Thus far Stubbs had been doing his political work on the side-keeping up his business interests. He now decided to sell his business; railroad contracting

does not flourish when one is regarded by the railroads as a bitter enemy.

In the legislature of 1907, the Long machine and the Curtis machine allied against him. Stubbs got the maximum rate law through, and the anti-pass law, but he failed to pass the primary law. Probably he could have compromised on the bill and got half of what he asked for. He let it go altogether. But the next year he had an issue, just what he needed, and he went before "the folks." This made Stubbs a leader, and he went up and down Kansas, talking primary.

Governor Hoch had a brother-in-law who was candidate for United States district judge in Oklahoma. The forces that had elected Long five years before were interested in another candidate, and Long refused to support Dickerson, Hoch's brother-in-law. Dickerson was defeated.

Hoch then played even with Long. He called a special session of the legislature to pass the primary law. In that session Stubbs stood up as the principal leader and a bigger feature than ever before. He stood squarely out against all compromises. Hoch, having delivered one strong blow, in convening the legislature, was incapable of following it up, and himself went on the floor of the legislature and pleaded with the members of the house to pass a weak compromise measure. But Stubbs controlled enough votes to bring an adjournment without any measure if the complete primary law could not be passed. That was the big fight of February, 1908, when Stubbs conquered the compromise.

He was now the logical candidate for United States Senator against Long. People told him to get into the race, that he could win because of his five years' fight for state reform. But Bristow appeared on the scene as a candidate for Senator. He represented many things in National affairs that Stubbs stood for in local; he was against the machine and machine domination, and against railroad control.

"There is no doubt that Stubbs, through his four or five years of struggle, had carried this very ambition," says William Allen White, who persuaded him to

not friends. Many of those who are closest to him in politics have no social relations with him. He consults little with his supporters. He issues orders, but takes little advice. He had lived to be nearly fifty years old without even taking the time or interest to vote at elections, being too engrossed in his business.

Stubbs, besides being a railroad contractor, was a wealthy bank president in a college town, and influential in Y. M. C. A. circles, when in 1902, M. A Low suggested that he run for the state legislature from Douglas County. M. A. Low was a general attorney for the Rock Island Railroad, and also he was Stubbs's friend. It meant nothing coincidental to Stubbs that a big Senatorial fight was coming off the next year (in 1903) when the Rock Island people wished to see Curtis go to Washington, and that he lived in Douglas County, the natural territory of Stanley and Long, who were the candidates opposing Curtis. Stubbs ran for and was elected to the state legislature in 1902, utterly innocent, on the old "popular man" gag. And he voted for Curtis.

The first thing he noticed was the enormous retinue necessary to run things at the Capitol. There were doorkeepers and janitors of all grades, supervisors and assistant supervisors of ventilation to the fifth and sixth degrees. He stood this for about thirty days; then he asked for an inquiry, and found out that it was considered that he had made a wrong move. Stubbs took lessons in political mismanagement; three times he saw that special new offices were created. To organize for Long, a combination was tied up for state printer (two men, in reality drawing money for this job); the pay roll was loaded with men to support Curtis because the Long and Stanley elements had combined. But Stubbs didn't like superintendents of acoustics and ventilation in the Kansas people's state house while he was representing Kansas people. So, with the LongStanley machine and the Missouri Pacific element in control - the real fight was between George Gould and the Moore brothers in New York-in came Stubbs with his inquiring mind, his business

knowledge, his genius for organization and mad clean through. Probably he was plain mad long before his moral sense got to working. He was ignored, and his side was losing, and it didn't sit well with him. When he was a boy twelve years old, working for a farmer named Davis, another young fellow said a certain hedge couldn't be got down inside of five hours. "It can," persisted young Stubbs, and in three hours and a half he had tramped it down with his feet. Stubbs, aged eighteen years, heard that a murderer was concealed in a barn in Lawrence and that Sheriff Moore was going after him. Mr. Moore," said the youth, "You have a large family. Let me go." And he went in after the murderer, single-handed. Down in the Panhandle, contractor Stubbs had a crew of 4,000 men. Along came a joint outfit to sell liquor, and the first night the boss went out and, unassisted, did the Carrie Nation act himself. Stubbs didn't lie down when his first session of legislature left him unrecognized.

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The combination that defeated Curtis defeated Hoch for state printer. Hoch was extremely popular, and he was defeated by trickery. The people rebelled but they could do nothing for they could express themselves only at the county conventions (controlled by doorkeepers and assistant superintendents of ventilation) and at state conventions (controlled by the interests). But red-headed Quaker Stubbs, jeered at for his bill of inquiry, saw in the record of the Curtis machine remnants out of which to build another machine and make Hoch a governor; and he machinated. The end, at any rate, was the nomination of Hoch for governor in 1904.

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nounced, as state chairman, that the committee would accept no money from corporations or railroads. He started in on his reform campaign; exit section boss, and enter statesman.

He elected Hoch, but within three months the machine men had more influence with Hoch than he had himself; Hoch "joined." When Stubbs lost the friendship of his governor he went ahead into the state convention of 1906 and tried to get his remaining reforms into the platform. He had no standing in the platform committee, and he was incontinently licked. He lost his prestige, he lost his state chairmanship, he was a far poorer figure than when he entered politics.

But the section boss enters again. Stubbs, deposed, began organizing Kansas voters' leagues, and giving to them as principles his planks that were thrown out of the Kansas Republican convention. He made speeches many of them — and he convinced the people of Kansas that he was honest; he blurted out things pleasant and unpleasant, but he proved facts. He probably would not have succeeded as he did, however, had he not been used to organizing construction work employing 3,000 or 4,000 men and 2,000 or 3,000 teams - $1,000,000 jobs.

He talked to the men of the state over the telephone. When he began his fight there were many influential men in Kansas who were unused to the sensation of being called to the long distance office to have a state leader converse with them at lunch, and vanity always is vanity. And it is estimated that he sometimes spent $25 a day on telegrams-phenomenal in Kansas.

He ran for the legislature again, in the fall of 1906. Beaten and thrown out in June, he had his leagues going in August, had the majority of the legislature pledged in September, was a candidate for the legislature in November, was elected, and began his third term in that body the first of the year following.

Thus far Stubbs had been doing his political work on the side-keeping up his business interests. He now decided to sell his business; railroad contracting

does not flourish when one is regarded by the railroads as a bitter enemy.

In the legislature of 1907, the Long machine and the Curtis machine allied against him. Stubbs got the maximum rate law through, and the anti-pass law, but he failed to pass the primary law. Probably he could have compromised on the bill and got half of what he asked for. He let it go altogether. But the next year he had an issue, just what he needed, and he went before "the folks." This made Stubbs a leader, and he went up and down Kansas, talking primary.

Governor Hoch had a brother-in-law who was candidate for United States district judge in Oklahoma. The forces that had elected Long five years before were interested in another candidate, and Long refused to support Dickerson, Hoch's brother-in-law. Dickerson was defeated.

Hoch then played even with Long. He called a special session of the legislature to pass the primary law. In that session Stubbs stood up as the principal leader and a bigger feature than ever before. He stood squarely out against all compromises. all compromises. Hoch, having delivered one strong blow, in convening the legislature, was incapable of following it up, and himself went on the floor of the legislature and pleaded with the members of the house to pass a weak compromise measure. But Stubbs controlled enough votes to bring an adjournment without any measure if the complete primary law could not be passed. That was the big fight of February, 1908, when Stubbs conquered the compromise.

He was now the logical candidate for United States Senator against Long. People told him to get into the race, that he could win because of his five years' fight for state reform. fight for state reform. But Bristow appeared on the scene as a candidate for Senator. He represented many things in National affairs that Stubbs stood for in local; he was against the machine and machine domination, and against railroad control.

"There is no doubt that Stubbs, through his four or five years of struggle, had carried this very ambition," says William Allen White, who persuaded him to

renounce the Senatorial contest, "and he didn't want to be governor. But he took the job he knew he could handle, and turned in and helped elect Bristow, who became a winner."

Stubbs yielded because he was persuaded that Bristow, who had been in Washington for a dozen years and had gotten a National training, would make the better Senator.

Stubbs became candidate for governor and was elected in 1908. The changes he has affected in the state's administration in that time have been a cause for National wonder.

$50,000 of the peoples' money during each of the last four years.

"During the next legislature was abolished the free railroad pass and the delegate convention, and the direct primary was adopted. A law was passed making it an offense for an assessor to assess any property at less than its value. Then the legislature fixed a maximum levy which was about one fifth the rate of that which had been in use. The rate of the levy was raised five times. The property owners then saw their $4,000,000 become, the next year, $27,000,000; in 1907,

"What am I trying to do?" says Stubbs. $425,281,214; "I am trying to run a state."

"There was a law in Kansas," he says, "that taxes collected in the one hundred and five counties should go to the county treasurers, who should send a certain proportion to the state treasurer. The law prohibited depositing in banks, and all was supposed to be kept in the state vaults. This was only a supposition. In fact, there was a scheme of long standing by which the banks would send out to a certain county the information that the treasurer wanted some money; the money then became in correct terminology 'in process of collection.' The state treasurer is regarded as having generally received from $10,000 to $15,000 a year from the banks for the use of this state money. I hired a room in the National Hotel, installed a telephone, and put my attention on the depository law by which the treasurer is required to deposit the state fund in banks, duly credited, and turn the interest over to its rightful owner - the state. In one term, in comparison with the rate of the old steal, $51,700 has been saved to the state through the depository law.

"During my second legislature, I saw the new railroad commissioners' law passed and the form of the old State Board of Charities changed and the employees of all charitable institutions put under civil service regulations. The state printer had for years been making $100,000 a year out of the job. Now the printer has a salary; it is $2,500 a year. It is estimated that Thomas A. McNeal, under state ownership of the plant, has saved

in 1908, $2,414,320,127; more than $2,700,000,000 at the present time.

"Kansas is required by law to have uniform text books, and this gradually entailed a problem. The old state law fixes the maximum price of text-books. Once in four years the state text-book commission was selected. The commissioners would get together in the state house and representatives from the publishers would come out to call on them. A contract meant furnishing books for every school in Kansas. I determined to stop this scandal. I named a new board, dismissing a man that had been named by every governor since the institution of the board and who was notoriously a tool of the book trust. On the board I put men I thought fitted in, regardless of party or creed; there was a progressive Democratic member of the state senate, George M. Hodges, my late rival for governor; Chas. M. Sheldon, author of "In His Steps"; and Bishop Lillis of the Roman Catholic Church.

"In pursuance of this same policy I made a non-partisan board of regents for the state agricultural college, an institution which is the pride of Kansas. There was an efficient man across the line, Prof. Henry J. Waters, dean of the Missouri agricultural college, and I got Waters, a Missouri Democrat, to be the Kansas agricultural college's president, and Waters has delivered the goods in an unparalleled manner. I named a Democrat as one of the three members of the state tax commission. The state tax levy was reduced 20 per cent. last year by reason of economy

in state administration and the increase in valuation — personal property added in 1910 over 1909 being $46,956,657, of which $6,500,000 were real estate mortgages."

Stubbs was elected in 1908 on the issue of effective prohibition. While Kansas had substantial prohibition for twentyeight years, it has had absolute prohibition since May, 1909. The Governor attributes most of this effectiveness to the AttorneyGeneral, Fred S. Jackson, and his aides - a just accrediting beyond a doubt.

"Two years ago," says the Governor, "prohibition states received absolutely no support from the Federal Government. If a liquor dealer had his receipt for having paid the internal revenue tax, the Federal Government would not prosecute him; the stamp was his protection. I paid a personal visit to President Taft. 'Your 'Your law requires,' I told him, 'that a liquor seller have a place to display his receipt; we keep him moving about, and when a man peddles liquor without a fixed license, you should coöperate with us.' Taft said he would talk the matter over with Attorney-General Wickersham. Time passed and nothing was done. I wrote him letters; sent telegrams; kept on hammering at him. When no action resulted, I had to send him telegrams and give them lots of publication. One morning President Taft made an order requiring the United States District Attorney to prosecute that class of itinerant offenders whether they had licenses or not. New regulations for Kansas resulted, and the state rallied to a man."

"I assert," said Governor Stubbs, in a speech delivered at Chicago a year or so ago, "that drunkenness in Kansas has been reduced to such a point that I have not seen a drunken man in the city of Topeka, a place of 50,000 inhabitants, during the last twelve months; that I do not have any recollection of having seen a drunken man in my home town of Lawrence, a place of 15,000 people, for several years; that in making a campaign throughout the entire state and delivering public addresses in ninety-two counties, I do not recall seeing a drunken man during the year."

"If I had nothing else to do, I think the work at the penitentiary would be worth all the time of my governmental position,' he has said in personal conversation. He induced J. L. Codding, a Topeka lawyer, to give up a lucrative law practice and a life's profession for a much smaller income and the duties of prison management at Lansing, where he is accomplishing wonders with his splendid sense, knowledge of men, and humanity.

"He is foolish about it," says the Governor proudly. "And he should be, for he has revolutionized the penitentiary. Better food is served the men; he has provided better quarters and better food in the insane wards, with three meals a day instead of two, resulting in the return to work of nearly half of the insane patients; prisoners working in the shops and mines are given two hours a week for outdoor recreation, when 'silence' is removed; the number of inmates of the hospital has been reduced more than half, giving to the state vastly more labor from the men; not a single new case of tuberculosis has appeared in a year.”

The penitentiary gives economic returns before undreamed of to the state. The brick plant, employing half the number of men it had before, now doubles profits. It now turns out half a million brick a month, and the prison mine is producing $15,000 worth of coal every month. It is one of the best managed mines in the West, and is thoroughly equipped with safety appliances. The twine plant pays a considerable profit to the state. A dairy herd now furnishes all the milk for the prisoners' use and saves more than $1,000 per year. Vast quantities of food products have cheapened the cost as well as improved the condition of prisoner main

tenance.

Stripes are reserved for extreme punishment; caps may be worn at the angle individuality dictates; the lockstep is a vanished night-mare; uniformity is banished. ished. Three hundred and twenty men attend the prison school, 400 voluntarily attend the night school, in 15 months the membership of the Prison Church has grown from 60 to 260 voluntary members. Preparations are afoot for raising the

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