before been free and that abused its newly acquired liberty by unwarranted license. Such were the conditions when Madero became President. They pointed certainly to the fact that before things could get much better they would have to get worse. This was exactly what happened. happened. Zapata's uprising in Morelos grew more menacing, the Gomez conspiracy in the North became more formidable, and Pasqual Orozco, who had supported Madero's revolution, turned against the new President because the Government had refused to pay him 50,000 pesos for services rendered and property loss suffered in the revolution, he who eighteen months before had been a mule-driver. Madero had also to contend with the criticisms of the better portion of the population, and with the growing discontent among the peons because their hopes of free land and no taxes were not realized.

Then came the proclamation the proclamation from Washington. It turned the tide and aroused the better portion of the Mexicans to help the Government. Rightly or wrongly, many Mexicans believed that the proclamation was the prelude to intervention, and no Mexican, whatever side he was on, wished intervention. The press began to advise the people to stand behind the Government. A report that the National Treasury was depleted and had been refused loans abroad gave the Government an opportunity to publish cablegrams from important banking groups in New York offering the Government funds whenever it should need them. The army operations against Zapata seem to have been fairly successful. But all this would have helped more had it come sooner. The Orozco uprising in the North increased to formidable proportions. The revolutionary armies defeated the Federal troops in several engagements and threw the capital into a panic. Arms were shipped to the Americans in the City of Mexico and American troops were held in readiness to intervene.

Madero has a tremendous problem on his hands. He seems to have made an extraordinary beginning toward its solution, for no country torn asunder by a

successful revolution settles down quietly, and particularly no Latin American country. As a foundation for his efforts Madero has one great asset: he was elected by a free and untrammelled election, the first that has been held in Mexico in many, many years. Moreover, he has a tremendous faith in his people and he is showing it by trying to give them real representative government, which they did not get under Diaz. He has steadfastly asserted his belief that the Mexican people are ready for democratic government, that they would respond to and be appreciative of fair and kind treatment. In a measure, they have not disappointed him, for the bulk of the people are with him and have not risen in rebellion. They as well as he are on trial.

II

There are many Americans in Mexico and a good deal of American money and yet intervention in Mexico is only to be thought of as a last resort. We, who had difficulty in gathering even a passable division of the army in Texas last summer, are hardly prepared to send 100,000 men to make good our authority in Mexico. Many military critics estimate that such a number would be necessary. Intervention in Mexico would be a costly and troublesome task. Beyond that, it would irretrievably damage our budding opportunity for trade and friendly relations with the Latin-American countries to the south of us in which Secretary Root and Secretary Knox have given so much effort. These countries suspect, our motives and intentions, and our intervention in Mexico would give the anti-American feeling much fuel on which to burn.

CHINA IN CONVALESCENCE

ment but there is a great hope that the one operation will be all that is needed.

One fact is quite sure: The transformation of the oldest empire into the youngest republic has been accomplished in the incredibly short period of four months.

In September began serious troubles in Szec-huen, that most populous and westernmost of the provinces of China. The cause of these troubles has been little touched on in the press. The failure of a potato crop helped bring on the French Revolution. The floods of the Yang-tze had a similar effect in China. The annual flooding of the river and its tributaries is an act of God furthered by the complete deforestation of the watershed by preceding generations. But the Chinese people have only recently begun to realize that the Government which took all their taxes has never taken seasonable precautions to restrict these recurrent and avoidable disasters, but has left the labor of relieving the appalling consequent suffering to the foreign missionaries and to foreign state philanthropy. This same government, moreover, had been wrangling for nearly two years with an international syndicate of British, German, French, and American bankers over the financing of a great railroad system that was to exploit Sze-chuen, together with the adjoining provinces of Hu-nan and Hu-peh, the commercial and political centre of which district is the group of cities referred to collectively as Han-kow. The people of these provinces were not, and are not, opposed to railroads; but their state of mind may be appreciated when, after the long and undignified squabble over the terms and the partition of the loan, it developed that all the direct, and most of the indirect, profits of the huge joint enterprise, secured on the provincial revenues, were to be entirely divided between the Peking Government and the foreign banks.

When in September it developed, on top of the floods and the railway bitterness and the famine, that Manchu officials were implicated in an extensive corner of the wheat and rice markets, some seventy million Szechuenese began to demand the reason why, in a very bitter state of mind.

Then came the execution of four Sze-chuen patriots, caught spreading their propaganda down the river. This was the last straw. The Wu-chang garrison started the revolution by murdering their Manchu officers and starting a general massacre of all Manchus in that city.

In three days it became clear that this was by far the most serious outbreak in China since the Taiping rebellion. More than that it became at once evident that a great revolutionary fabric, already secretly perfected, had accepted this chance opportunity to uncover itself.

II

In this brief revolution of four months the political and constitutional phases assume greater importance than the military achievement. Of actual fighting there has been very little beyond the brief but severe engagements in and about Han-kow and the siege of Nan-king, and although the Chinese have shown real bravery and patriotism in action, nothing has yet occurred to change the verdict of foreign attachés as to the inefficiency of Chinese military affairs. No great military leader was developed, with the possible exception of General Li Yuanhung, the rebel chief, the first real personality to emerge from the smoke.

III

Within two weeks of the Han-kow massacre Yuan Shih-kai, who, on the accession of the Regent after the death of the Empress Dowager in 1909, had been banished in disgrace, was recalled to power as the one man who could save the Empire. Since the 28th of October he has remained the dominating personality in China. He did all he could to save the Manchus. Under his direction and advice the Regent promptly dismissed Sheng, the hated official who had concluded with the foreign banks the terms of the Hu-kuan loan. The National Assembly, which had not met since its first convention in October, 1910, was called together at Peking, and in its second session obtained all the reforms it asked for, including a constitution and the expulsion of Manchu officials from the Central Government, the

concessions being accompanied by an abject apology from the now tottering Regency. For the first time in history the voice of the people of China was heeded and obeyed.

But, as in the French Revolution, the concessions came too late. Yuan could not save the Empire. Then followed one of the most extraordinary events ever witnessed in a revolution - the resignation of Dr. Sun Yat-Sen from the Presidency of the Republic. More than any other individual he had kept alive the cause of revolution during many years of apparent failure. During a life of exile in foreign lands, with a price set upon his head, he had continued to spread his propaganda and accumulate money and munitions of war. His picturesque career and the methods he employed made him the most generally known of all the Chinese Revolutionists, and it seemed that he had at last achieved the supreme reward when, in December, he was elected by the revolted provinces President of the Provisional Republic of China, thus succeeding General Li, whose Presidency had been by proclamation.

Nothing in his extraordinary career so much became this Chinese patriot as this this voluntary withdrawal in the hour of his triumph. He recognized the greater fitness of a man beloved by Manchus and Chinese alike, who possesses the confidence of foreign powers, and who has conclusively demonstrated his ability in the highest administrative positions, military and civil. On the 10th of March, Yuan Shik-kai took the oath of office at Peking and was inaugurated to the first real Presidency of what may now be called the Republic of China.

IV

That marked the end of the revolution. Now comes the period of upbuilding.

As this number of the WORLD'S WORK goes to press Yuan seems almost overwhelmed by difficulties. His Government has not as yet been formally recognized by any of the Powers; a body of now independent soldiers variously estimated as between 200,000 and 500,000 in number is idle and unpaid. A formidable mutiny

has taken place in Peking and a Manchu general has raised an Imperialist army in Shen-si province with the avowed intention of restoring the fallen dynasty. This last may be ignored; China has passed beyond the Manchus. The same four Powers whose finance was instrumental in precipitating the revolution are now in a position to assist in the restoring of order and in the Homeric task of reconstruction. One of the by-products of the revolution was the calling forth, in response to Secretary Knox's note, of another expression of good-will on the part of the six powers chiefly interested in China, whose integrity, in her time of distress, was thus insured. As in Mexico, there are many difficulties ahead of the new Government but also many fundamental reasons for hope of its success.

E

THE MEMORIAL TO LINCOLN LSEWHERE in this magazine, Mr. Henry H. Saylor describes the design for the impressive national memorial to Lincoln that the Fine Arts Commission has chosen from a competition of the foremost American architects. This design is by Mr. Henry Bacon, and the site is the Mall in Washington City.

The membership of the Fine Arts Commission includes many of the most famous artists, architects, and sculptors in the United States. Every precaution of deliberation, publicity, and authoritative judgment has been taken to make sure that this tribute to Lincoln's memory shall be worthy of its august subject and of the great nation that will build it. And yet it is entirely possible that this reasoned and orderly judgment may be reversed and that this whole conception be abandoned. For almost every imaginable type of memorial has its advocates before Congress, from a careful reproduction of a log cabin, to a road between Washington and Gettysburg. So-called architectural monuments resembling railroad stations, apartment houses, and what not, have been advocated by enthusiastic supporters, with a suggestion of a vocational school system thrown in by way of variety.

Perhaps the most formidable rival of

the Mall design, is the proposed road between Washington and Gettysburg. Aside from the practical consideration of cost estimated at $34,000,000 as compared with the $2,000,000 appropriated by Congress there are several obvious objections to the scheme. First, such a highway would be accessible only to motoring visitors; second, there seems no more valid reason why the nation should build a roadway for Maryland and Pennsylvania than that it should thread together the towns in Sangamon County that are associated with Lincoln's early life; and third, it is not possible to build a highway that would serve to arouse in the minds of visitors the faintest suggestion of the honor and reverence that the nation wishes to symbolize in its tribute to Lincoln's memory.

And it is worth while in building a national monument to such a man as Lincoln to use the best brains of the country so that generations after generations here may feel proud of it and the people of the artistic nations of Europe may admire it.

THE WAR ON THE TYPHOID FLY

I

N ANY campaign for sanitation and healthful conditions in the city or the country, getting rid of the fly is absolutely necessary. At best the fly is a nasty insect carrying filth from the filthiest sources and depositing it on our food a habit that alone warrants its extermination - and at its worst it is a carrier of germs of disease. To the activities of flies whole epidemics of typhoid fever have been traced and many cases of other diseases.

It is possible both to prevent flies and to get rid of them. In this number of the WORLD'S WORK is a little article explaining in a simple way what every house-holder can do to exterminate the pest. In next month's number a similar article will point the way for their extermination by community action.

These articles embody as much information as can well be given in magazine form, but if any one wishes to go deeper into the matter, the Health Departments of many of the states issue bulletins on

A HEALTH COMPETITION FOR $100 HEALTH officer in Wilmington,

A'

N. C., has cleaned up a city. A health officer in Louisiana has cleaned up a state. The work of the Rockefeller commission has rid thousands upon thousands of people of the hookworm. We are at the beginning of the era of health not merely personal health, but community, state, and national health. The Nation can do much to help if the bill to establish a proper Bureau of Health now before Congress can be passed. The state officers can likewise do a great deal, and special organizations combatting such diseases as hookworm and tuberculosis, or such efforts as the National Civic Federation is making to get rid of the typhoid (common house) fly, can save millions of lives. But in the final analysis the opportunity to make each community healthful rests with the community itself.

To find out what has been done and what is being done and to publish it as an encouragement to other efforts, the WORLD'S WORK offers two prizes of $100 each; the first for the best article telling how a city or town of less than 30,000 people was made healthful and sanitary; the second for the best article telling how a rural community was made healthful and sanitary.

All manuscripts submitted for these prizes should be not less than 3,000 nor more than 5,000 words in length. They should be addressed to the Health Department of the WORLD'S WORK' and mailed so that they will reach Garden City before the 25th of May.

If any of the other manuscripts besides those to which the prizes are awarded seem so good as to demand publication the magazine reserves the right to keep them and to send the author a second prize of half the amount of the first prize.

In his message to Congress, December 5, 1911, President Taft discussed the trust question at length. He approved the Sherman anti-trust law as an effective instrument for the regulation of trusts. He cited the decisions of the Supreme Court in the Standard Oil and Tobacco cases as evidences of the effectiveness of the law."

Again the President said that "mere size is no sin against the law," and pointed out that it was not the size of the corporation which was contrary to law, but that only when the combination is more for the purpose of creating a combination controlling prices and creating a monopoly the statute is contravened. President Taft favored the enactment of a law which shall describe and denounce unfair methods of competition. He recomHe recommended voluntary federal incorporation of companies in trade in commerce among the states and also a federal corporation commission. "Such a bureau or commission," he said, "might well be invested with the duty of aiding the courts in the dissolution and re-creation of trusts within the law."

THE TARIFF

President Taft's latest utterance on the tariff was delivered at the Union League Club, Chicago, March 9, 1912.

MR. ROOSEVELT

The following is an authorized summary of the views of former President Roosevelt:

THE TRUSTS

Mr. Roosevelt takes direct issue with Mr. Taft as to the effectiveness of the Sherman anti-trust law as administered under the present administration in the regulation of trusts. He regards the decree entered by the court against the Tobacco trust as probably, in all the history of the American law, the decree that has been most preposterously ineffective in producing its desired purpose. The way in which the proceedings by the present administration have been conducted against the Standard Oil and Tobacco trusts have probably shown the law at its worst, but in any event have shown the law to be utterly ineffective in its purpose. The decrees have unquestionably benefited the big magnates in both the Standard Oil Company and Tobacco trust and injured the small stockholders and consumers. Mr. Roosevelt has continually, as President and since, urged a policy of control of great combinations of wealth, this control to be radical, thoroughgoing, and effective as the control over the national banks and over the railroads doing an interstate business; and on March 28, 1908, in his message he pointed out that the present anti-trust law is drawn in such form as to become ineffective or else mischievous. The results of the proceedings against the Standard Oil and Tobacco trusts show that Mr. Roosevelt was exactly right in these conclusions.

THE TARIFF

"We ought to have," he said, "some means of knowing from facts ascertained by impartial tribunals what we are doing when we are changing the tariff law. Nothing interferes so much with business