that is the issue that will continue in this country, when these poor tongues of Judge Douglas and myself shall be silent. It is the eternal struggle between these two principles, right and wrong, throughout the world. They are the two principles that have stood face to face since the beginning of time, and will ever continue to struggle. The one is the common right of humanity; the other is the divine right of kings. It is the same principle in whatever shape it develops itself. It is the same spirit that says, 'You work and toil and earn bread, and I will eat it.' No matter in what shape it comes-whether from the mouth of a king, who seeks to bestride the people of his own nation, and live upon the fruit of their labor, or from one race of men as an apology for enslaving another race, it is the same tyrannical principle."

"The contest between Douglas and Lincoln," says Dr. Newton Bateman, "was one between sharpness and greatness. Mr. Lincoln seemed a man strongly possessed by a belief to which he was earnestly striving to win the people over; while the aim of Mr. Douglas seemed rather to be simply to defeat Mr. Lincoln."

So serious did Lincoln consider his task that he departed from his custom and indulged in few pleasantries; yet, occasionally, his sense of the humorous led him to make some sharp hits against his opponent. In his speech at Galesburgh, Douglas remarked, with a sneer, that "honest Abe" had once been a liquor-seller. Lincoln replied that, when a young man, he had been compelled by poverty to work in a store where one of his duties was to retail liquor;

"but," said he, "the difference between Judge Douglas and myself is just this, that while I was behind the bar, he was in front of it."

At another time Douglas said that his father, who was an excellent cooper, had apprenticed him to learn the cabinet business. Lincoln seized the opportunity to remark that he had long known that Douglas was in the cabinet business, but he had never known that his father was a cooper; "But," said he, "I have no doubt that he was a good one, for he made one of the best whiskey casks I have ever seen," at the same time bowing to his opponent, who was sitting near him. The allusion was instantly understood by the audience, and was greeted with roars of laughter.

During the campaign Mr. Lincoln spoke about fifty times, yet when he made his last speech his voice was as clear and vigorous as ever, and he "seemed like a trained athlete, ready to enter, rather than one who had closed a conflict." There is no question but that the advantage in the contest lay with Mr. Lincoln rather than with Mr. Douglas, yet he failed to secure his election to the Senate; for, although the Republican State officers were elected, the Legislature remained Democratic on account of the hold-over Representatives, and Judge Douglas was re-elected to his third Senatorial term.

It is unnecessary to say that Lincoln was deeply disappointed. Yet the splendid results of his great debates were exceedingly gratifying to him. They really formed the opening to the last great period in his career-the period for which all the preceding years of his life had been but the preparation, though

unconsciously to himself. To the student of his life and times it is plainly to be seen that every element and influence of his life tended to give him the most complete preparation for his last five years. His Presidential term was but the blossom of which his previous life had furnished the stalk and leaf; but, alas, the blossom was destined never to develop into the ripe fruit.

CHAPTER XI.

HENCEFORTH Lincoln was looked upon, throughout the country, as a new factor in politics, unexpected and unique, but original and forcible. And the eyes of the Republican party turned towards him as a possible candidate for the Presidency. As the Democracy was dividing itself into two factions, the moderate and radical, of which the former was represented by Judge Douglas, so the Republicans found a similar division in their ranks. Mr. Seward, the recognized leader of the party, represented the extreme Abolition element, and Lincoln, the more moderate wing. Whereas the former had said and done much to alienate from him many of the rank and file of the party, Lincoln, by his splendid, yet moderate, championship of the party principles, had gained the friendship of all, the enmity of none. From this time on he continued to grow in the estimation of the party, and his every act served to confirm his popularity. He was a politician as well as a statesman, and to assume that he remained unconcernedly at home, and did nothing to accelerate the current which was carrying him towards the Presidential chair, is to ignore historical facts. He was ambitious, and his still more ambitious wife did much to arouse and urge him on. By letters, addresses and consultations he labored to strengthen his hold upon his

party and his title to preferment. Never indulging in underhanded methods nor seeking to undermine his rivals, he yet did all an honorable and shrewd man could do to bring about the desired result.

He has been frequently represented as sitting quietly down and laying hold of the honors, which Providence showered upon him, without an effort on his part to secure them. But this is a mistake; political preferment comes to few men without effort and solicitation, in this age of the world, and Lincoln formed no exception to the rule.

After the great debates the idea of presenting him as a presidential candidate came to many of his friends, some of whom approached him on the subject. At first he opposed the suggestion; "What is the use of talking of me," he said, "when we have such men as Seward and Charles Sumner, and every body knows them, while scarcely anybody outside of Illinois knows me? Besides, as a matter of justice, is it not due them?" His friends admitted the claims of these eminent men upon the party but showed that, on account of their radical opinions and utterances, they could never be available candidates; while he had kept himself clear from all political entanglements and was not known to be openly an Abolitionist, and his political creed of "opposition to the further extension of slavery" was so simple and moderate that it commended itself to both wings of the party. As time passed on, he became more and more deeply absorbed in the political life of the country and began to neglect seriously his law busi

ness.

In the autumn of 1859, Senator Douglas was invited