many a speech and political debate throughout the country. It was a startling proposition, and, from a superficial point of view, it seemed to be entirely unwarranted by the facts. For almost three-quarters of a century the Government had endured, over a country half slave and half free; nor had the country, during that time, ever been at a standstill. In material progress and the development of its vast domain, it was the marvel of the world. From a little confederacy of puny states grouped on the Atlantic seaboard, it had developed into an imperial nation numbering thirty millions of souls. Its progress had been steady and almost uninterrupted, and its prosperity seemed to rest upon a secure foundation. How absurd then, said his opponents, to assert that this country is on the verge of disruption, nay, of destruction, because of differing opinions in regard to a single institution. Yet history proved his perfect vindicator, and more certainly than arguments or specious philosophy did coming events demonstrate the wisdom of his position.

His friends, to whom he read the speech before delivering it, urged him to omit the first paragraph, all except his partner, Mr. Herndon, who said: "Lincoln, deliver that speech as read, and it will make you President." A prophecy destined to be wonderfully fulfilled, but seeming at the time to pass credence.

One of his friends, after the speech, remonstrated with him against such "foolishness," to whom Lincoln replied that, if he were compelled to destroy every utterance of his life save one, he would select that one for preservation. He remarked to Mr. Herndon, who asked him if he deemed it wise or ex

pedient to commit himself in such a way at that time: "I had rather be defeated with this expression in the “ ] speech, and have it held up and discussed before the people, than to be victorious without it." 1

The speech was mainly directed against the encroachments of the slave-power upon the free domain, as exemplified by the Kansas-Nebraska bill, and the subsequent "Dred Scott" decision. He showed, in support of his main position, that every effort of the Southern party, open and insidious alike, was directed towards an opening up to slavery of the whole national domain, and he clearly demonstrated the active instrumentality of Senator Douglas in bringing about this result. To him the danger seemed more imminent and startling than ever before. "We shall lie down, pleasantly dreaming," said he, "that the people of Missouri are on the verge of making their State free; and we shall awake to the reality, instead, that the Supreme Court has made Illinois a slave State. To meet and overthrow the power of that dynasty is the work now before all those who would prevent that consummation-that is what we have to do. . . . Our cause, then, must be intrusted to and conducted by its undoubted friends-those whose hands are free, whose hearts are in the work-who do care for the result. Two years ago the Republicans of the nation mustered over one million three hundred thousand strong. We did this under a single impulse of resistance to a common danger, with every external circumstance against us. Of strange, discordant and even hostile elements, we

1 Herndon's "Lincoln."

gathered from the four winds, and formed and fought this battle through, under the constant, hot fire of a disciplined and pampered enemy. Did we brave all to falter now?-now, when that same enemy is wavering, dissevered and belligerent. The result is not doubtful. We shall not fail-if we stand firm, we shall not fail. Wise counsels may accelerate or mistakes delay it, but sooner or later the victory is sure to come."

A little incident occurred during the campaign that illustrated Mr. Lincoln's readiness in turning a political point. He was making a speech at Charleston, Coles County, when a voice called out, "Mr. Lincoln, is it true that you entered this State barefoot, driving a yoke of oxen?" Mr. Lincoln paused for a full half a minute, as if considering whether he should notice such cruel impertinence, and then said that he thought he could prove the fact by at least a dozen men in the crowd, any one of whom was more respectable than his questioner. But the question seemed to inspire him, and he went on to show what free institutions had done for himself, and to exhibit the evils of slavery to the white man wherever it existed, and asked if it was not natural that he should hate slavery, and agitate against it. "Yes," said he, "we will speak for freedom, and against slavery, as long as the Constitution of our country guarantees free speech, until everywhere on this wide land the sun shall shine and the rain shall fall and the wind shall blow upon no man who goes forth to unrequited toil." 1

Holland's "Life of Lincoln."

It was at about this time that Lincoln made his first visit to Cincinnati, where he met the Hon. E. M. Stanton, with whom he was afterwards to be so intimately associated. Among his law cases was one connected with the patent of the McCormick reaper, and it became necessary for him to visit Cincinnati, to argue the case before Judge McLean of the United States Circuit Court. It was a case of great importance, involving the foundation patent of the machine which was destined to revolutionize the harvesting of grain. Reverdy Johnson was on one side of the case, and E. M. Stanton and George Harding on the other. It became necessary, in addition, to have a lawyer who was a resident of Illinois; and inquiry was made of Hon. E. B. Washburne, then in Congress, as to whether he knew a suitable man. The latter replied, "that there was a man named Lincoln, at Springfield, who had considerable reputation in the State." Lincoln was secured, and came on to Cincinnati with a brief. Stanton and Harding saw "a tall, dark, uncouth man," who did not strike them as of any account, and, indeed, they gave him hardly a chance. Mr. Lincoln was a little surprised and annoyed, after reaching Cincinnati, to learn that his client had also associated with him Mr. Stanton of Pittsburgh, and a local lawyer of some repute; the reason assigned being that the importance of the case required a man of the experience and power of Mr. Stanton to meet Mr. Johnson. The trial of the case came on; the counsel for the defense met each morning for consultation. On one of these occasions, one of the counsel moved that only two of them should speak on the case. This motion was acquiesced in. It had

always been understood that Mr. Harding was to speak, to explain the mechanism of the reapers. So this motion excluded either Mr. Lincoln or Mr. Stanton. By the custom of the bar, as between counsel of equal standing, and in the absence of any action by the client, the original counsel speaks. By this rule Mr. Lincoln had the precedence. Mr. Stanton suggested that Mr. Lincoln make the speech. Mr. Lincoln answered, "No, you speak." Mr. Stanton replied, "I will;" and taking up his hat, said he would go and make preparation. Mr. Lincoln acquiesced in this, but was deeply grieved and mortified; he took but little more interest in the case, though remaining until the conclusion of the trial. He seemed to be greatly depressed, and gave evidence of that tendency to melancholy which so marked his character in after years. His parting words on leaving the city cannot be forgotten. Cordially shaking the hand of his hostess, he said: "You have made my stay here most agreeable, and I am a thousand times obliged to you; but, in reply to your request for me to come again, I must say to you I never expect to be in Cincinnati again. I have nothing against the city, but things have so happened here as to make it undesirable for me ever to return."

If Mr. Lincoln was "surprised and annoyed at the treatment he received from Mr. Stanton, the latter was no less surprised, and a good deal more disgusted, on seeing Mr. Lincoln and learning of his connection with the case. He made no secret of his contempt for the "long, lank creature from Illinois," as he afterwards described him, "wearing a dirty linen duster for a coat, on the back of which the per