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overthrow it. He stated clearly and tersely his attitude upon the subject in a speech in reply to one of Judge Douglas in Chicago, July 10, 1858, as follows:

"I have always hated slavery, I think, as much as any Abolitionist-I have been an old-line Whig-I have always hated it, but I have always been quiet about it until this new era of the introduction of the Nebraska bill began. I have always believed that everybody was against it, and that it was in the course of ultimate extinction. The great mass of the nation have rested in the ultimate belief that slavery was in the course of extinction."

If he had held his peace hitherto, on the great topic, he was to do so no more. From this time on no heart was more earnest nor tongue more eloquent in behalf of the down-trodden millions than his. With him it was an ever-present evil, becoming more and more appalling as time went on, and more and more did he become impressed with the magnitude and imminence of the struggle, and the stupendous catastrophe threatened by it.

He was always ready to assist fugitive slaves, and more than once put himself to great inconvenience and some personal danger by reason of his sympathy for the suffering slave fleeing from bondage.

One afternoon an old negro woman came into his office, and told the story of her trouble. It appears that she and her offspring were born slaves in Kentucky, and that her owner had brought the whole family into Illinois, and given them their freedom. Her son had gone down the Mississippi as a waiter or deck-hand on a steamboat. Arriving at New Orleans, he had imprudently gone ashore, and had been

snatched up by the police, in accordance with the law then in force concerning free negroes from other States, and thrown into confinement. Subsequently he was brought out and tried. Of course, he was fined, and, the boat having left, he was sold, or was in immediate danger of being sold, to pay his fine and expenses. Mr. Lincoln was very much moved, and requested Mr. Herndon to go over to the State House and inquire of Governor Bissell, if there was not something he could do to obtain possession of the negro. Mr. Herndon made the inquiry, and returned with the report that the Governor regretted to say that he had no legal or constitutional right to do anything in the premises. Mr. Lincoln rose to his feet in great excitement, and exclaimed: "By the Almighty, I'll have that negro back soon, or I'll have a twenty years' agitation in Illinois, until the Governor does have a legal and constitutional right to do something in the premises." He was saved from the latter alternative—at least in the direct form which he proposed. The lawyers sent money to a New Orleans correspondent-money of their own-who procured the negro, and returned him to his mother.

In 1854 Lincoln was nominated for the State Legislature, but refused to accept the proffered honor. His name, however, was presented to the people, and he was elected. But, feeling that he had earned a higher honor than this, he refused to take his seat. One of the duties of this session was to elect a United States Senator to succeed General Shields, the colleague of Douglas. Lincoln ardently desired the position, and once, in speaking of it, said that he had rather have one full term in the Senate than the

Presidency. His prospects seemed good to secure the coveted honor, but, through certain unexpected complications, his election became doubtful, and he magnanimously withdrew his name in favor of Judge Trumbull, who was immediately elected. When consulted in the dilemma, he said: "You ought to drop me and go for Judge Trumbull, that is the only way you can defeat Mathison (the Democratic candidate)." Judge Logan came up and insisted on making one more effort to secure Lincoln's election; but the latter said: "If you do, you will lose both Trumbull and myself, and I think the cause in this case is to be preferred to men." This was certainly a rare instance of political self-sacrifice.

CHAPTER IX

AT the Bloomington Convention Mr. Lincoln was called upon to make a speech. It proved to be the inauguration speech of the new party in Illinois, and in it he advanced to higher political ground than he had ever done before. He seemed like one inspired as he gave utterance to the grandest political truths, and made close application of them to the condition of the country.

One of the delegates says: "Never was an audience more completely electrified by human eloquence. Again and again, during this speech, the audience sprang to their feet, and by long continued cheers expressed how deeply the speaker had affected them." Herndon characterizes this speech as the grand effort of his life.

The movement, thus enthusiastically inaugurated, gathered strength rapidly, and the young, but vigorous party soon became a recognized power in the State. Lincoln had been one of the ruling spirits of the old Whig party, and he now became the recognized leader of the Republican party, its great defender in the furious onslaughts made upon it, and its champion in the aggressive fight it was about to make upon the old parties.

In the following national campaign, the first in which the Republican party had figured, his services

were in great demand. Earnest requests to speak upon the principles of the party came to him from every district in Illinois, from Indiana, Ohio, Iowa and Wisconsin, and so far as possible he accepted the invitations.

At one of the meetings, which he was addressing, an old Democrat arose from his seat and strode away, driving his cane viciously into the ground at every step, exclaiming: "He's a dangerous man, a dangerous man! He makes you believe what he says in spite of yourself."

The Republicans generally believed that Fremont would be elected, but Lincoln did not share in this confidence. He was too clear-sighted, and realized too fully the strength of the opposition, to be thus deceived by a false hope. During the campaign he said to Mr. Noah Brooks, a Chicago Journalist : "Don't be discouraged if we don't carry the day this year. We can't do it, that's certain, but we shall sooner or later elect our President. I feel confident of that."

of his

forecast.

The event proved the truth Although the new party made a gallant fight, its ticket was defeated, and Buchanan was elected President. The closeness of the contest so alarmed the slave-holders that they began, even then, to perfect their plans for a revolution in the event of a Republican victory at the next national election. In this they were materially aided by the weakness of the President who, though no doubt desirous of maintaining the Union intact and upholding the Constitution, yet found himself powerless in the hands of the slave element.

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