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been told that President Lincoln had said that none of the frankness. These revelations would furnish no evidence of Fessels sent to Charleston were war vessels, and that force was either the "falsehood' or duplicity' of Governor seward, not to be used in the attempt to supply the fort. I had no for there was nothing of either in his conversation. means of testing the accuracy of this information, but offered “ We violate no confidence in saying that Judge Campbell that, if the information was accurate, I would send a tel- balanced long between Loyalty and Secession, the preponder. egram to the authorities at Charleston, and that it might pre- ance up to a late day being in favor of the Union. If be at vent the disastrous consequences of a collision at that fort be- any time looked with favor or satisfaction upon secession, bs tween the opposing forces. It was the last effort that I would was much and generally misunderstood. If he did not serimake to avert the calamity of war. The assistant secretary ously contemplate remaining in the Union, and upon the promised to give the matter attention, but I had no other | Bench, he was misunderstood. If, during that period of intercourse with him or any other person on the subject, nor mental trial, he was acting in harmony with the leading have I had any reply to the letters submitted to you.
enemics of the Union, he was grossly misunderstood. “ Very respectfully, JOHN A. CAMPBELL.
“ That Governor Seward conversed freely with Judge “Gen. Davis, President of the Confederate States."
Campbell, we do not deny ; nor do we doubt that in these
conversations, he intimated that Fort Sumter would be evaMR. BEWARD'S DEFENSE.
cuated. He certainly believed so, founding his opinion upon Mr. Seward, we believe, made no reply to this a knowledge of General Scott's recommendation. Subse. letter from Judge Campbell; but, an editorial in the quently, the President deomed it his duty to authorize an Albany Evening Journal for May 22d, doubtless spoke cfort to roenforce and provision that fortress. We do not
know whether Governor Seward met Judge Campbell after by his authority. It said :
that change of purpose, but he was not at liberty, if they did “ If the Secretary of State was at liberty to reply to ex- meet, to reveal what was so well kept. But whatever Gover. Judge Campbell, revealing all that passed between them on nor Seward said or intimated to Judge Campbell wis true at several occasions, not only no imputation of insincerity would he time it was said. That Judge Campbell reported to the rest upon the Secretary, but the facts would seriously affect Confederate President half that he said or intimated, is more Judge Campbell's well established reputation for candor and than doubtful.”
THE QUEEN'S PROCLAMATION TO ENFORCE NEUTRALITY.
+ VICTORIA R.
| himself to serve as a soldier, or to be employed, or shall serve " Whereas, We are happily at peace with all Sovereigns, in any warlike or military operation in the service of, or for, Powers, and States ;
or under, or in aid of any foreign prince, State, poteniate, “ And whoreas, hostilities have unhappily commenced be- colony, province, or part of any province or peoplo, or of tween the Government of the United States of America and any person or persons, exercising or assuming to exer. certain States styling themselves “the Confederate States of cise the powers of government in or over any foreign America ;'
country, colony, province, or part of any province or people, " And whereas, we, being at peace with the Government either as an officer or soldier, or in any other military capa. of the United States, have declared our Royal determination city; or if any natural boru subject of His Majesty shall, to maintain a strict and impartial neutrality in the contest without such leave or license as aforesaid, accept, or agree to between the said contending parties;
take or accept, any commission, warrant or appointment, as “We, therefore, have thought fit, by and with the advice an officer, or shall enlist or enter himself, or shall agree to of our Privy Council, to issue this our Royal Proclamation : enlist or enter himself, to serve as a sailor or marine, or to
“And we do hereby strictly charge and command all our be employed or engaged, or shall serve in and on board any loving subjects to observe a strict neutrality in and during ship or vessel of war, or in and on board any ship or vessel the aforesaid hostilities, and to abstain from violating or used or fitted out, or cquipped, or intended to be used for any cantravening either the laws and statutes of the realm in this
in the service of, or for, or under, or in aid bobalf, or the law of nations in relation thereto, as they will of any foreign power, prince, Stato, potentate, colony, proanswer to the contrary at their peril.
vince, or part of any province or people, or of any person or ** Ani re hereas, in and by a certain statuto made and passed persons exercising or assuming to exercise the powers of in the fifty-ninth year of His Majesty King George III., enti- government in or over any foreign country, colony, province, tled ' an act to prevent the enlisting or engagement of His or part of any province or people ; or if any natural born Majesty's subjects to serve in a foreign service, and the fit- subject of His Majesty shall, without such leave and license tiug out or equipping in His Majesty's dominions, vessels for as aforesaid, engage, contract, or agree to go, or shall go, to warlike purposes, without His Majesty's license,' it is, among any foreign State, country, colony, province, or to any place other things, declared and enacted as follows :
beyond the scas, with an intent or in order to enlist or enter " That if any natural born subject of His Majesty, his himself to serve, or with intent to serve, in any warlike or heirs and successors, without the leave or license of His Ma- military operation whatever, whether by land or by sca, in the justy, his heirs or successors, for that purpose first had and service of, or for, or under, or in aid of any foreign prince obtained, under the sign manual of His Majesty, his heirs or State, potentato, colony, province, or part of any province or successors, or signified by Order in Council, or by proclama- people, or in the service of, or for, or under, or in aid of any tion of His Majesty, his heirs or successors, shall take or ac- person or persons exercising or assuming to exercise tho cept, or shall agree to take or accept, any military commis- powers of government in or over any foreign country, cokony, rion, or shall otherwise enter into the military servico as a province, or part of any province, or people, either as an commissioned or non-commissioned officer, or shall enlist or officer or a soldier, or in any other military capacity, or an enter himself to en'ist, or shall agree to enlist or to enter officer or sailor, or marino in any such ship or vessel sud
THE QUEEN'S PROCLAMATION.
aforesaid, although no onlisting money, or pay, or reward esty's Customs or Excise and the officers of His Majesty's shall have been or shall be in any or either of the cases afore- navy are empowered respectively to make seizures under the said actually paid to or received by him, or by any person laws of Customs and Excise, or under the laws of trade and to or for his use or benefit ; or if any person whatever, with- navigation ; and that every ship and vessel, with the tackle, in the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, or any apparel, and furniture, together with all the materials, arms, part of His Majesty's dominions elsewhere, or in any country, ammunition, and stores which may belong to or be on board colony, settlement, island or place belonging to or subject to of such ship or vessel, may be prosecuted and condemned in His Majesty, shall hire, retain, engage, or procure, or shall the like manner, and in such courts as ships or vessels may attempt or endeavor to hire, retain, engage, or procure any be prosecuted and condemned for any breach of the laws person or persons whatever to enlist, or enter, or engage to made for the protection of the revenues of Customs and Exenlist, or to serve or to be employed in any such service or cise, or of the laws of trade and navigation.' employment as aforesaid, as an officer, soldier, sailor, or ma- “And it is in and by the said act further enacted : rine, either in land or sea service, for or under or in aid of «« « That if any person in any part of the United Kingdom any foreign prince, State, potentate, colony, province, or part of Great Britain and Ireland, or in any part of His Majesty's of any province or people, or for, or under, or in aid of any dominions beyond the seas, without leave and license of His person or persons exercising or assuming to exercise any Majesty, for that purpose first had and obtained as aforesaid powers of government as aforesaid, or to go or to agree to go shall, by adding to the number of the guns of such vessel, or embark from any part of His Majesty's dominions, for the or by changing those on board for other guns, or by the ad. purpose or with intent to be enlisted, entered, engaged or dition of any equipment for war, increase or augment, or employed as aforesaid, whether any enlisting money, pay or procure to be increased or augmented, or shall be knowingly reward shall have been or shall be actually given or received, concerned in increasing or augmenting the warlike force of or not; in any or either of such cases every person so offend. any ship or vessel of war or cruiser, or other armed vessel, ing shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, and upon being which at the time of her arrival in any part of the United convicted thereof, upon any information or indictment, shall Kingdom, or any of His Majesty's dominions, was a ship of bo punishablo by tine and imprisonment, or either of them, war, cruiser, or armed vessel in the service of any foreign at tho discretion of the Court before which such offender prince, State, or potentate, or of any person or persons exershall be convicted.'
cising or assuming to exercise any powers of government “ And it is in and by the said act further enacted : in or over any colony, province, or part of any province or
“* That if any person, within any part of the United King- people belonging to the subjects of any such prince, State or dom or in any part of His Majesty's dominions beyond the potentate, or to the inhabitants of any colony, province, or seas, shall without the leave and license of His Majesty, for part of any province or country under the control of any that purpose first had and obtained as aforesaid, equip, fur. person or persons so exercising or assuming to exercise the nish, it out, or arm, or procure to be equipped, furnished, powers of government, every such person so offending shall fitted out, or armed, or shall knowingly aid, assist, or be con- be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, and shall, upon being cerved in the equipping, furnishing, fitting out, or arming of convicted thereof, upon any information or indictment, be any ship or vessel, with intent or in order that such ship or punished by fine and imprisonment, or either of them, at the vessel shall be employed in the service of any foreign prince, discretion of the Court before which such offender shall be State, or potentate, or of any foreign colony, province, or convicted.' people, or of any person or persons, exercising or assuming “Now, in order that none of our subjects may unwarily to exercise any powers of government in or over any foreign render themselves liable to the penalties imposed by the said State, colony, province, or part of any province or people, as statute, we do hereby strictly command, that no person or a transport or store-ship, or with intent to cruise or commit persons whatsoever do commit any act, matter or thing hostilities against any prince, State, or potentate, or against whatsoever, contrary to the provisions of the said statute, the subjects or citizens of any prince, State, or potentate, or upon pain of the several penalties by the said statute imagainst the persons exercising or assuming to exercise the posed, and of our high displeasure. powers of government in any colony, province, or part of any “ And we do hereby further warn all our loving subjects, province or country, or against the inhabitants of any foreign and all persons whatsoever, entitled to our protection, that colony, province, or part of any province or country, with if any of them shall presume, in contempt of this Royal Prowhom His Majesty shall not then be at war ; or shall, within clamation, and of our high displeasure, to do any acts in the United Kingdom, or any of His Majesty's dominions, or derogation of their duty as subjects of a neutral sovereigu, in in any settlement, colony, territory, island, or place belong- the said contest, or in violation or contravention of the law ing or subject to His Majesty, issue or deliver any commis- of nations in that behalf—as, for example and more especial. sion for any ship or vessel to the intent that uch ship or ly, by entering into the military service of either of the said vessel shall be employed as aforesaid, every such person so contending parties as commissioned or non-commissioned offerding shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, and shall officers or soldiers ; or by serving as officers, sailors, or maupon cor.viction thereof, upon any information or indictment, rines on board any ship or vessel of war or transport of or be punished by fine and imprisonment, or either of them, at in the service of either of the said contending parties ; or by the discretion of the Court in which such offender shall be servicg as officers, sailors, or marines on board any privateor convicted ; and every such ship or vessel, with tho tackle, bearing letters of marque of or from either of the said conapparel, and furniture, together with all the materials, arms, tending parties ; or by engaging to go or going to any place ammunition and stores which may belong to or be on board beyond the seas with intent to enlist or engage in any such of any such ship or vessel, shall be forfeited ; and it shall be service, or hy procuring or attempting to procure within Her lawful foș any officer of His Majesty's Customs or Excise, or Majesty's dominions, at home or abroad, others to do go; or any officer of His Majesty's navy, who is by law empowered by fitting out, arming or equipping any ship or vessel to bo to make seiaires, for any forfeiture incurred under any of employed as a ship-of-war, or privateer, or transport, by the laws of Customs or Excise or the laws of trade and navi. either of the said contending parties; or by breaking, or one gation, to seize sucha ships and vessels aforesa id, and in such deavoring to break, any blockade lawfully and actually coplaces and in such manner in which the officers of His Maj- tablished by or on behalf of either of the said contending parties; or by carrying officers, soldiers, dispatches, arms, we have resolved to observe. All persons acting military stores or materials, or any article or articles con
contrary to the prohibitions and recommendations sidered and deemed to be contraband of war according to
contained in the present declaration will be prosecutthe law of modern usage of nations, for the use or service of either of the said contending parties, all persons so offending ed if required, conformably to the enactments of will incur and be liable to the several penalties and penal | the law of the 10th April, 1825, and of articles 84 and consequences by the said statuto, or by the law of nations, 85 of tho Penal Code, without prejudice to the apin that behalf imposed or denounced.
plication that might be made against such offenders “ And we do hereby declare, that all our subjects and per.
of the enactments of the 21st article of the Code Bons entitled to our protection who may misconduct themselves in the premises will do so at their peril and of their Napoleon, and of articles 65 and following of the own wrong, and that they will in nowise obtain any protec
decree of the 24th of March, 1852,on the merchant ser. tion from us against any liability or penal consequences, but vice, 313 and following of the Penal Code for the navy, will, on the contrary, incur our high displeasure by such
His Majesty declares, moreover, that every misconduct.
Frenchman contravening the present enactments “Given at our Court at the White Lodge, Richmond Park, this 13th day of May, in the year of our Lord 1861, and
will have no claim to any protection from his Gor. in the 24th year of our reign.
ernment against his acts or measures, whatever they “ GOD SAVE THE QUEEN.” may be, which the belligerents might exercise or de. cree.
THOUVENEL, Minister of Foreign Affairs. DECREE OF NAPOLEON ON PRIVATEERING The decree was afterwards explained and enforc. AND NEUTRALITY.
ed by a note addressed by M. Rouher, Minister of His Majesty the Emperor of the French, taking in- Commerce, to the various Chambers of Commerce to consideration the state of peace which now ex- in France. From that note we quote the following: ists between France and the United States of Amer- In guarding respect for the immunities which ica, has resolved to maintain a strict neutrality in modern law has now, fortunately, consecrated in the struggle between the Government of the Union favor of neutrals, we cannot pretend to protect them and the States which propose to form a separate from all the consequences which ordinarily follow confederation. In consequence, his majesty, con- to other nations from the armed strife of two peosidering article 14 of the naval law of August, 1681, ples. From the moment that we find ourselves in the third article of the law of the 10th of April, 1825, the presence of two belligerents to whom we know articles 84 and 85 of the Penal Code, 65 and follow- not how to deny that character, we find ourselves ing of the decree of the 24th of March, 1852,313 and obliged to recognise in them all the rights which, following of the Code Penal Maritime, and article 21 according to international rules, war confers on of the Code Napoleon, declares:
those who make it. Consequently we cannot con1. No vessel of war or privateer of either of the test with either of them the right to injure the other belligerent parties will be allowed to enter or stay by all the legitimate and direct means which it pos. with prizes in our ports or roadsteads longer than sesses, such as that which consists in seizing upon its twenty four hours, excepting in case of compulsory possession, besieging its towns, blockading its ports. delay (rclache forcee).
The natural consequence of the exercise of the law 2. No sale of goods belonging to prizes is allowed of blockade is to interdict to other Powers access in our ports and roadsteads.
to the blockaded places. It is incontestable that 3. Every Frenchman is prohibited from taking a those Powers have to suffer from the interruption commission under either of the two parties to arm thus put upon their usual commercial relations ; but vessels of war, or to accept letters of marque for they would have no right to make any reclamation privateering purposes, or to assist in any manner for it, because they are only indirectly affected, and whatsoever the equipment or aripament of a vessel because no obstruction is placed upon that freedom of war or privateer of either party.
of navigation to which they are entitled, except 4. Every Frenchman, whether residing in France where such freedom would render absolutely in. or abroad, is likewise prohibited from enlisting or efficacious the military operations between belli. taking service either in the land army or on board gerents rendered legitimate by the law of natious. vessels of war or privateers of either of the two The admission by all the Powers of this principle, belligerent parties.
that the blockade, to be obligatory, must be effec5. Frenchmen residing in France or abroad must tive, has remedied the buse which formerly sprung likewise abstain from any act which, committed in from the right of excluding neutrals from points that violation of the laws of the empire or of international were declared blockaded. law, might be considered as an act hostile to one of The effectiveness of the blockade is, to-day, for all the the two parties and contrary to the neutrality which I world, the essential condition of its validity. But so soon
THE QUEEN OF
as there are, al the places to which a belligerent wishes to ed; and it is for the purpose of rendering these ficinterdict access, furces sufficient to prevent their being aptitious blockades entirely impossible that the agreeproached without exposure to a certain danger, the neutral ment has been entered into at present not to con. is compelled, no matter how prejudicial to him it may be, sider a neutral as entitled to notice of existence of to respect the blockade. If he violates at he exposes him- a blockade except at the blockaded places them. self to being treated as an enemy by the belligerent with selves. This practice, which leaves a belligerent respect to whom he has deviated from the duties of neutrality. the faculty of acting with all the promptitude often
These principles, which have become the rule of required by operations of war, which permits a all nations, appear to be completely ignored by the military chief to blockade, according to necessity, claimants. They appear to think that their custom- | places distant from his country before he has inary relations of commerce should not be affected by structed his Government of the fact, has this ada state of hostility to which they are not parties, and vantage for the neutral, that it does not impose upon to admit at farthest that there may be a right to him obligations inevitably onerous, except, at least, hold them accountable for their ulterior operations.
under circumstances where he must inevitably subUnfortunately such is not the case. It is true that a mit to them. belligerent may not employ, to annoy his enemy, any means that strike directly at peoples who have remained strangers to the strife ; but it is no less
PROCLAMATION OF THE QUEEN OF SPAIN. true that these latter have always to endure the in- Considering the relations which exist between direct consequences of the perturbation resulting Spain and the United States of America and the ex. from the war from the moment that it breaks out. pediency of not changing the reciprocal feelings of
Another error of the claimants is to believe that friendly anderstanding on account of the grave the blockade does not exist until it is notified di.events which have happened in that republic, I have plomatically, and that it does not apply to neutral resolved to maintain the strictest neutrality in the vessels that have quitted their country previously to struggle engaged in between all the Federal States the notification. A blockade is obligatory from the mo- of the Union and the Confederate States of the ment that it is effectively established; being the material South; and in order to avoid the losses which my resull of a material fact, it commences with the real in. subjects might suffer both in shipping and comvestment of the place, continues so long as that investment merce, for want of definite rules to which their conremains, and ceases with it.
duct might conform, in accordance with my Council It matters little that neutrals are ignorant of the of Ministers I decree as follows:-facts. If one of their vessels presents itself at the Article 1. It is forbidden in all the ports of the place, the belligerent has the right to forbid its Spanish realm, to arm, supply and equip any privaentrance.
teer vessel, whatever may be the flag she carries. The general usage is, doubtless, for a Government
Art. 2. It is in like manner forbidden to owners, to inform other Governments of the measures of masters or captains of merchant vessels to accept blockade to which it has recourse ; but this notifica- letters of marque or contribute in any way to the tion, which is not by an absolute rule, is of no value arming and equipping of vessels of war or privateers. by itself; it is only the announcing of an existing Art. 3. The entering and remaining for more than fact, which would already produce its effects. It twenty-four hours in the ports of the realm is formay sometimes serve, it is true, to diminish bidden to vessels of war or privateers with prizes, the losses which neutrals may have to sustain in unless in case of necessity through stress of weather. consequence of the state of war, by preventing them When this latter happens the authorities shall watch undertaking useless commercial expeditions for the vessel and oblige her to go to sea as soon as places really blockaded; but it is evident, on the possible, without permitting her to take any more other hand, that if nentrals suspended or modified supplies than for present necessity; but on no acaccording to this notification, their commercial op- count either arms or munition of war. erations, they would be exposed to the danger of Art 4. Effects taken from prizes shall not be sold doing so inappropriately, in case the blockade did in the ports of the realm. not actually exist, or in case it had already closed Art. 5. Transportation, under the Spanish flag, at the time their expeditions might have arrived. of all articles of commerce is guaranteed, except
It is by erroneously attributing to the diplomatic when directed to blockaded ports. notices of blockade a value and a signification which The carrying of war material, papers or com. they have not in themselves, that it might be pre- munications for the belligerents is forbidden. Treya tended to exclude nentrals from an entire territory, passers shall be responsible for their acts, and shall the access to which could not in reality be interdict- have no right to the protection of my goverument.
Art. 6. All Spaniards are forbidden to enlist in | later it will be necessary to come to some settle. the belligerent armies or to engage themselves to ment, whatsoever it may be, which may cause the serve on board vessels of war or privateers. divergent interests now actually in conflict to co
Art. 7. My subjects shall refrain from every act exist. The American nation would then give a proof which, by violating the laws of the kingdom, may be of high political wisdom in seeking in common such considered contrary to neutrality.
a settlement before a useless effusion of blood, a Art. 8. Transgressors of the foregoing regulations barren squandering of strength and of public riches, shall have no right to the protection of my Govern. and acts of violence and reciprocal reprisals shell ment, shall suffer the consequences of the measures have come to deepen an abyss between the two which the belligerents may prescribe, and shall be parties of the Confederation, to end definitely in punished as provided by the laws of Spain.
their mutual exhanstion, and in the ruin, perhaps ir. Given at the Palace, on the seventeenth of June, reparable, of their commercial and political power. one thousand eight hundred and sixty-one. Signed Our august master cannot resign himself to admit by the royal hand.
such a deplorable anticipation. llis Imperial Maj. SATURNINO CALDERAN COLLANTES, esty still places his confidence in that practical good
Minister of State.
sense of the citizens of the Union who appreciate so
judiciously their true interests. His Majesty is hapVIEWS OF RUSSIA.
py to believe that the members of the Federal Gov.
ernment, and the influential men of the two parties, PRINCE GORTSCHAKOFF TO BARON DE STOECKL. ST. PETERSRURG, July 10th, 1861.
will sieze all occasions and will unite all their efforts Sir-From the beginning of the conflict which di.
to calm the effervescence of the passions. There vides the United States of America, you have been
are no interests so divergent which may not be desired to make known to the Federal Government reconciled by laboring to that end with zeal and the deep interest with which our august master was
perseverance, in a spirit of justice and moderation. observing the developement of a crisis which puts
If, within the limits of your friendly relations, your in question the prosperity and even the existence language and your counsels may contribute to this of the Union.
result, you will respond, sir, to the intentions of llis The Emperor profoundly regrets to see that the Majesty the Emperor, in devoting to this the perhope of a peaceful solution is not realized, and that sonal influence which you may have been able to American citizens already in arms are ready to let acquire during your long residence at Washington, loose upon their country the most formidable of the
and the consideration which belongs to your char. scourges of political society - a civil war.
acter as the representative of a sovereign animated miore than eighty years that it has existed the Amer- by the most friendly sentiments towards the Ameriican Union owes its independence, its towering rise
can Union. This Union is not simply in our eyes an and its progress to the concord of its members, con.
element essential to the universal political equilibsecrated under the auspices of its illustrious found-rium; it constitutes, besides, a nation to which our er, by institutions which have been able to recon
august master and all Russia have pledged the most cile the Union with liberty. This Union has been friendly interests for the two countries placed at the faithful. It has exhibited to the world the specta- extremities of the two worlds; both in the ascendcle of a prosperity without example in the annals ing period of their developement appear called to a of history. It would be deplorable that, after so
natural community of interests and of sympathies, conclusive an experience, the United States should
of which they have already given mutual proofs to be hurried into a breach of the solemn compact,
each other. which, up to this time, has made their power. In
I do not wish here to approach any of the ques. spite of the diversity of their constitutions and of
tions which divide the United States. We are not their interests, and perhaps even because of their called upon to express ourselves in this contest. diversity, Providence seems to urge them to draw The preceding considerations have no other object closer the traditional bond which is the basis of the than to attest the lively solicitude of the Emperor very condition of their political existence. In any
in the presence of the dangers which menace the event, the sacrifices they might impose upon them- American Union, and the sincere wishes that his selves to maintain it, are beyond comparison with Majesty entertains for the maintenance of that great those which dissolution would bring. United, they work, so laboriously raised, and which appeared so perfect themselves, isolated, they are paralyzed.
rich in its future. The struggle which unhappily has just arisen can
It is in this sense, sir, that I desire you to express neither be indefinitely prolonged nor lead to the to yourself, as well to the members of the General tal destruction of one of the parties. Sooner or
Government as to the influential persons whom you