THE POSTMASTER GENERAL'S DEFENSE For the War Department...... For the Navy Department. For the public debt Redemption.... $2,883,364 11 contracted before 1st July, 1862... 29,932,696 42 Interest on debt to be contracted af ter 1st July, 1862 10,000,000 00 360,159,986 61 | On the 1st day of July, 1862, the 45,164,994 18 449 517,372,802 93 897,372,802 93 public debt will be...... On the 1st day of July, 1863, the public debt will be... Here was a debt whose magnitude placed us beside the Old World nationalties in the scale of "promises to pay;" but it was regarded by our people with a feeling of confidence. If the sums demanded were well 43,816,330 53 spent, the North would pour out its resources and its blood freely. Only restore the Union and the old-time prosperity, and a debt twice greater than that hinted at by the Secretary would be readily mastered in thirty or forty years. The inexhaustable resources of the soil, the matchless energy of the people, the new avenues to wealth constantly being discovered, rendered a public debt of magnitude a national impetus instead of a national incubus. In that respect how republican America differed from monarchial Europe! Making an aggregate of estimated Making an aggregate of estimated receipts of... 95,800,000 00 And leaving a balance to be pro vided for of....... $379,531,245 51 The Postmaster-General's Defense. The report of the Postmaster - General possessed several points of permanent interest. Making loyalty or disloyalty "The whole amount required from loans may the test, he had deprived disloyal men of Making an aggregate of......... $654,980,920 61 "The total may be stated in round numbers at six hundred and fifty-five millions of dollars. "A tabular statement will accompany this report, showing somewhat more in detail the actual and estimated receipts and expenditures of the financial years 1861, 1862 and 1863. "THE REBEL DEBT IN 1860, 1861, 1862 and 1863. "It only remains, in order to complete the view of the financial situation, to submit a statement of the public debt as it was on the 1st day of July, 1860 and 1861, and will be, according to the estimates now presented, at the same date in each of the years 1862 and 1863. In his own defense Mr. Blair assumed that "it was positively unsafe to intrust the transportation of the mails to a person who refused or failed to recognize the sanctity of an oath, but to continue payment of public money to the enemies of the Government and their allies, was to give direct aid and comfort to treason in arms. We could not thus permit this branch of Government to contribute to its own overthrow." He also gave his reasons for "excluding disloyal publications from the mails. To await the results of slow judicial prosecution was to allow crime to be consummated, with the expecta 90,867,828 68 tion of subsequent punishment, instead of The Postmaster General's Defense. Excitement in Congress. These several reports excited general attention and appeared to give satisfaction. But, Congress seethed and bubbled with a commotion which portended an outbreak against the President's policy of conciliating those in arms against the country. Mr. Lincoln clearly favored what was deemed to be a "conservative" course—that is, he would not strike at Slavery as the source of strength to those in arms; he would protect all slave catchers from among those professedly loyal, by enforcing the fugitive slave law; he would not decree the release of the jail full of wretched negroes confined as "runaways" in the Washington jail; he would not favor a decree of emancipation because of the rights of the loyal Border States; he would, in fact, prosecute the war in such a way as to effect a restoration of the Union with the old guarantees to Slave property unimpeached. preventing its accomplishment by prompt and direct interference. Of the cases presented for his action, upon the principles which he named, he had, by order, excluded from the mails twelve of those treasonable publications, of which several had been previously presented by the Grand Jury as incendiary and hostile to constituted authority. | While he did not claim the authority to suppress any newspaper, however disloyal and treasonable its contents, the Department could not be called upon to give them circulation. It could not and would not interfere with the freedom secured by law, but it could and did obstruct the dissemination of that license which was without the pale of the Constitution and Law. The mails established by the United States Government could not, upon any known principles of law or public right, be used for its destruction. As well could the common carrier be legally required to transport a machine designed for the de- It is foreign to the nature of this work to struction of the vehicle conveying it, or an enter upon an examination of the questions inn-keeper be compelled to entertain a trav- of policy and of law which, after this date, eler whom he knew to be intending to com- (December, 1861,) became paramount themes mit a robbery in his house." He found these of discussion. Clearly, the Slave institution views supported by the high authority of the had rights, and, as clearly the Republican late Chief Justice Story, of the Supreme Court members of Congress had conceded those of the United States, whose opinion he quoted. | rights.* But, quite as conclusively was the This was the patriotic if not conclusive fact, urged by what afterwards proved to be answer to the grievances of those anxious to a Congressional majority, that it was the visecure the dissemination of conspiracy and tal source, cause and sustenance of the rebelsedition under the guise of a stoutly asseve-lion-that the Slaves were loyal and had a rated "freedom of the press." The fact that right to protection-that the old status of the the complainants were chiefly disloyal or States in insurrection could only be restored semi-loyal men did not impair the force of by their unconditional submission and pardon the Department's excuse for its procedure. for offences, the first of which was improbaYet, in spite of the good intent-perhaps of ble and the last impossible, except at a sacrithe actual propriety of the officer's course-fice of every Constitutional obligation for the the acts as alleged were arbitrary exercises punishment of sedition, conspiracy and treaof authority, depending for their justification upon the voice of loyal men rather than upon any construction of law. It was another of those instances, occurring during the war, wherein the Executive branches of Government clearly overreached precedent and technical construction in order to accomplish what to them seemed necessary results. The verdict of posterity doubtless will be less censorious than that visited upon the offending officers by the " opposition" of 1862. son. The President, it may well be supposed, was exceedingly perplexed as to what course to pursue. As in the case of the first five * See Volume I. Congressional proceedings. We may here indicate the vote on Dunn's resolution, page 82; on Winter Davis' resolve, page 104; on the resolves submitted by Mr. Seward to the Committee of Thirteen, page 123; the final vote on Corwin's resolve, pages 463-67; and finally and conclu sively to the vote on Sherman's resolution, page 400. Excitement in Con gress. GENERAL HALLECK'S OPERATIONS. 451 weeks of his reign, he left it for circumstances to determine his acts. He finally ended by accepting the legislation of Congress; and, in enforcing its decrces of confiscation and emancipation, aroused that old spirit of democratic' opposition which ever when that opposition was in the majority. has, stood, and seemingly ever will stand, by the interests of the South-human slavery, aristocratic privileges and all. In saying this we but repeat what it cannot be denied is one of the well demonstrated facts in American History. The South only reigned supreme CHAPTER VIL HALLECK'S MISSOURI-NO CONDUCT OF THE DEPARTMENT OF Halleck's Assumption of Command. "By order of Major-General Halleck. "Assistant Adjutant General." Order Number MAJOR-GENERAL Henry fugitive slaves who are admitted within our lines. Wager Halleck arrived in In order to remedy this evil, it is directed that no St. Louis November 18th, such persons be hereafter permitted to enter the 1861, to assume the department command. lines of any camp, or of any forces on the march, and that any now within such lines be immediately Orders indicating his field of labor and auexcluded therefrom. thority (issued November 9th) assigned to his department the States of Missouri, Iowa, Minnesota, Wisconsin, Illinois, Arkansas, and that portion of Kentucky west of the Cumberland River. This was Fremont's "Department of the West," shorn of some of its western extension. The General reached at once banished the "inevitable negro" from St. Louis to receive at General Hunter's the field by bayonetting him back into slavhands the somewhat disorganized forces reery-thus reassuring slave owners that, so turned from the Springfield advance. A far as the Department of Missouri was concouncil of Generals of divisions was convened cerned, their "property" was to be driven at once. The retreat from Springfield had back to them in event of its escape to the thrown open the State to rebel invasion, and Federal lines. Construed even by the light Halleck learned, in a few days' time, that he of military propriety, it was impolitic. had a most momentous work on hand to save Scarcely a general or regimental officer in the southern and central sections from devas- the field but confessed his indebtedness to tation. He entered upon his labors with a fugitives from slavery for valuable informacalm energy at once indicative of self-reliance tion. Indeed, most of the valuable informaand a thorough mastery of his situation. tion came from these unhappy creatures, who Among his first orders was that afterwards called the "celebrated number threo"-the text of which read: HEADQUARTERS, DEPARTMENT OF THE MISSOURI "GENERAL ORDERS, NO. 3. would do and dare any peril to reach the Union lines. The very word "fugitives" implied their wretched estate--they were fleeing from a worse tyranny than those loyal whites who fled for protection to the Federal arms. Why were they banished? Did some of the blacks make wrong reports, owing to their ignorance and credulity? If, for the want of intelligence of a few the many were | Southern Confederacy would seem too much to suffer, why was not the rule enforced like a bad bargain for the Confederates. against the white fugitives-many of whom, [See Appendix, page —, for the "Convenit was notoriously true, conveyed very exag- tion" by which the State was given away to gerated and untruthful information? It was the Confederates. It is one of the precious a proscriptive and unnecessary edict, and documents of the year illustrative of the off one which the commanding General soon hand manner in which a few individuals sold had good reason to regret. The sentiment States and disposed of places like any other of loyalty was against it-the sentiment of private property.] Prior, Price's Neosho Prohumanity was against it-the sentiment of therefore, to his law was against it; and it was but a dead northward Price letter from the date of its issue. The Presi- from Neosho a proclamation-his last and dent qualified Fremont's notes of freedom, most powerful appeal to the people for their but he did not qualify Halleck's order. He co-operation in the effort to drive the "inwas, at that particular moment, under the vaders" from the State. We quote, as indiinfluence of the potion administered by the cative of its tenor and tone: Border State politicians.* The Rebel Advance. The rebels pressed north with the double intention of reaching the Missouri river above Jefferson City and of striking into Kansas. This movement was ordered from Neosho and Springfield in three divisions-the right wing, under General McBride, 6000 strong, resting on Stockton, in Cedar county; the left wing, 5000 strong, under General Rains, holding a position at Nevada, Vernon county; the centre, 5000 strong, commanded by Price in person, was, at that date (Nov. 25th) near Montibello, Vernon county. General McCullough having refused to co-operate in this crusade, had retired previously, to the Arkansas Valley for supplies and winter quarters.† This left the entire responsibility with Price. The issue proved the Texan ranger to have been the wiser soldier, since one month later beheld Price fleeing in haste with his disordered ranks, to seek rest and shelter in the bosom of the Ozark hills. The ex-Governor, however, had another wish than military success to persuade his movements. He could not abandon the State with his forces, for then the transfer of the Commonwealth to the march issued clamation. "When peace and protection could no longer be enjoyed but at the price of honor and liberty, your chief magistrate called for fifty thousand men to drive the ruthless invaders from a soil made fruitful by your labors, and consecrated by your homes; and to that call less than five thousand responded. Out of a male population exceeding * * Come to two hundred thousand men, one in forty only step- *But where are our Southern rights' friends? We must drive the oppressor from our land. I must have fifty thousand men. Now is the crisis of your fate-now is the golden opportunity to save the State-now is the time of your political salvation. The time for enlistment for our brave * Halleck himself soon qualified it. See his orders band is beginning to arrive. Do not hold their pato Asboth, Appendix, page tience beyond endurance-do not longer sicken their hearts by hope deferred.' They begin to inquire, where are our friends? Who shall give them an an swer! Boys and small property holders have in the main fought the battles for the protection of your property, and when they ask, where are the men for whom we are fighting? how shall I, how can I, explain? Citizens of Missouri! I call upon you, by To explain the causes of his "secession" from Price, McCullough was cited to Richmond, His backward movement had taken place upon Fremont's occupation of Springfield. It was this which gave rise to the charge preferred against Fremont that he was being duped by the rebel leaders, who wished to draw him on into Arkansas. PRICE'S PROTEST AND THREATS. every consideration of interest, by every desire of safety, by every tie that binds you to home and country, delay no longer; let the dead bury their dead, leave your property to take care of itself; commend your homes to the protection of God, and merit the approbation and love of childhood and womanhood by showing yourselves men, the sons of the brave and free, who bequeathed to us the sacred trust of free institutions. Come to the army of Missouri, not for a week or a month, but to free your country. "Strike till each armed foe expires! Strike for your altars and your fires! And much more in the same strain. This patriotic cry for help was accompanied by the articles of agreement referred to above, by which the Southern Confederacy became responsible for the pay of all troops called into, or who voluntarily enlisted in the service. The General's rhetoric succeeded less than his bayonets in influencing any but vagabonds to enter his ranks. It is to be doubted if any army of twenty thousand men ever was gathered whose lists embraced more worthless fellows than that which Price commanded during his second campaign in Central and Western Missouri. Governor Jackson's We should, in this connection, also refer to the commingled proclamation, address and appeal published by Governor Jackson in a New Madrid journal, Dec. 16th. It repeated his thrice published "views" of affairs, and recited the history of the six months campaign in a strain of congratulation calculated to inspire the hopes of a good time coming to his cause. The object of this document was to induce his six months men to remain in the army—to reenlist in the Confederate service for the war, which he promised should be but a brief and glorious struggle. He also authorized the State Guard to reorganize and to enter the Confederate lists. His appeal for troops ran the gamut of terms from imprecation to prayer. He had tronsferred the State to the Confederacynow he would transfer his constituents if he could. It was like the wail of an Irish "wake" -the cry of one for the dead. 4th, occurred these warlike 458 Halleck's Decisive Orders. "Commanding officers of districts, posts and corps are directed to arrest and place in confinement all persons in arms against the United States, or who give aid, assistance or encouragement to the enemy. "All property belonging to such persons which can be used by the army, will be taken possession of for that purpose, and all other property will be examined by a board of officers and sold according to army regulations. "All persons found in disguise as pretended loyal citizens, or under other false pretences within our lines, giving information to or communicating with the enemy, will be arrested, tried and shot as spies. Persons now employed or enlisted in the service of the so-called Confederate States, who commit hostility, will not be treated as prisoners of war, but punished as criminals, and be shot or less severely punished, according to the rules of war. "In consequence of large numbers of Union families and non-combatants having been plundered and driven from their homes in a destitute condition, and thousands of such persons are now finding their way into this city, the Provost Marshals are directed to ascertain the condition of persons so driven from their homes, and under the military law of retaliation, quarter them in the homes and feed and clothe them at the expense of avowed secessionists, who, although they do not themselves rob and plunder, give aid and encouragement, abet and countenance the acts of their fellow-rebels." Out of this order (General Order No. 13) grew numberless complaints, recriminations and appeals. Though just, in a military sense, it was not faithfully enforced. Secessionists were arrested to some extent, but soon found their way to liberty again, doubly embittered by their "persecution." Persons enlisted in the cause of the Confederacy were not treated as criminals and shot, probably under fear of the lex talionis, which the Confederates, from practice, knew well how to execute. Some levies were made upon the secession sympathisers of St. Louis to sustain the refugees, but not to the extent demanded by the wants of those suffering loyalists. Against this General Order and another especially aimed at marauders, bridge burners and guerrillas, General Price protestHalleck's orders were numerous and im-ed, threatening retaliation. Under guise of portant. In a series published December communications on the subject, he succeed Price's Protest and |