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Constitution itself is silent as to ciency. One of the greatest The President's Mes.

The President's Mes. which, or who, is to exercise the perplexities of the Government sage.

sage, power ; and as the provision is to avoid receiving troops fastwas plainly made for a dangerous emergency, it can- er than it can provide for them. In a word, the peonot be believed the framers of the instrument intend ple will save their Government, if the Government ed that, in every case, the danger should run its course itself will do its part only indifferently well. until Congress could be brought together; the very " It might seem, at first thought, to be of little assembling of which might be prevented, as was in- difference whether the present movement at the tended in this case, by the rebellion.

South be called secession' or 'rebellion. The "No more extended argument is now offered, as

movers, however, well understand the difference. an opinion, at some length, will probably be pre

At the beginning, they knew they could never raise sented by the Attorney-General. Whether there their treason to any respectable magnitude by any shall be any legislation upon the subject, and if

name which implies violation of law. They knew any, what, is submitted entirely to the better judg. their people possessed as much of moral sense, as ment of Congress.

much of devotion to law and order, and as much “ The forbearance of this Government had been pride in and reverence for the history and Govern. so extraordinary, and so long continued, as to lead

ment of their common country, as any other civil. some foreign nations to shape their action as if they ized and patriotic people. They knew they could supposed the early destruction of our National Un. make no advancement directly in the teeth of these ion was probable. While this, on discovery, gave strong and noble sentiments. Accordingly they the Executive some concern, he is now happy to

commenced by an insidious debauching of the pubsay that the sovereignty and rights of the United lic mind. They invented an ingenious sophism, States are now everywhere practically respected which, if conceded, was followed by perfectly log. by foreign Powers; and a general sympathy with ical steps through all the incidents, to the comthe country is manifested throughout the world.

plete destruction of the Union. The sophism itself “The reports of the Secretaries of the Treasury, is, that any State of the Union may, consistently with War, and the Navy, will give the information in de the National Constitution, and therefore lawfully tail deemed necessary and convenient for your de- and peacefully, withdraw from the Union without liberation and action; while the Executive, and all the consent of the Union or of any other State. the Departments, will stand ready to supply omis. The little disguise that the supposed right is to be sions, or to communicate new facts, considered im- exercised only for just cause, themselves to be the portant for you to know.

sole judge of its justice, is too thin to merit any no“ It is now recommended that you give the legal tice. means for making this contest a short and decisive “ With rebellion thus sugar-coated, they have one ; that you place at the control of the Govern- been drugging the public mind of their section for ment, for the work, at least four hundred thousand

more than thirty years, and until at length they men, and $400,000,000. That number of men is have brought many good men to a willingness to about one-tenth of those of proper ages within the take up arms against the Government the day after regions where, apparently, all are willing to en- some assemblage of men have enacted the farcical gage ; and the sum is less than a twenty-third part pretense of taking their State out of the Union, who of the money value owned by the men who seem could have been brought to no such thing the day ready to devote the whole. A debt of $600,000,000 before. noo is a less sum per head than was the debt of our “ This sophism derives much, perhaps the whole, Revolution when we came out of that struggle; and of its currency from the assumption that there is the money value in the country now bears even a some omnipotent and sacred supremacy pertaining greater proportion to what it was then than does to a State to each State of our Federal Union. Our the population. Surely each man has as strong a States have neither more nor less power than that notive now to preserve our liberties as each had then reserved to them in the Union by the Constitutionto establish them.

no one of them ever having been a State out of the A right result, at this time, will be worth more Union. The original ones passed into the Union to the world than ten times the men and ten times even before they cast off their British colonial de. the money. The evidence reaching us from the pendence; and the new ones each came into the country leaves no doubt that the material for the Union directly from a condition of dependence, exwork is abundant; and that it needs only the hand cepting Texas. And even Texas, in its temporary of legislation to give it legal sanction, and the hand independence, was never designated a State. The of the Executive to give it practical shape and efli- new ones only took the designation of States on coming into the Union, while of national power and State The President's Mes.

The President's Meythat name was first adopted for rights, as a principle, is no other sage.

sage. the old ones in and by the De: than the principle of generality claration of Independence. Therein the united colo- and locality. Whatever concerns the whole, should nies' were declared to be free and independent be confided to the whole--to the General Govern. States;' but, even then, the object plainly was not to ment; while whatever concerns only the State, declare their independence of one another, or of the should be left exclusively to the State. This is all Union, but directly the contrary, as their mutual there is of original principle about it. Whether the pledge and their mutual action, before,at the time,and National Constitution, in defining boundaries beafterwards, abundantly show. The express plighting tween the two, has applied the principle with exact of faith by each and all of the original thirteen in accuracy, is not to be questioned. We are all bound the Articles of Confederation, two years later, that by that defining, without question. the Union shall be perpetual, is most conclusive. “ What is now combated is the position that secesHaving never been States, either in substance or in ion is consistent with the Constitution—is lawful name, outside of the Union, whence this magical and peaceful. It is not contended that there is any omnipotence of State rights,' asserting a claim of express law for it; and nothing should ever be impower to lawfully destroy the Union itself? Much plied as law which leads to unjust or absurd conseis said about the ‘sovereignty' of the States; but quences. The nation purchased, with money, the the word even is not in the National Constitution ; 1 countries out of which several of these States were nor, as is believed, in any of the State constitutions. formed. Is it just that they shall go off without What is a “sovereignty,' in the political sense of the leave, and without refunding? The nation paid term? Would it be far wrong to define it“ a politi- very large sums, (in the aggregate, I believe, nearly cal community without a political superior ?' Tested a hundred millions,) to relieve Florida of the aboby this, no one of our States, except Texas, ever riginal tribes. Is it just that she shall now be off was a sovereignty. And even Texas gave up the without consent, or without making any return? character on coming into the Union; by which the nation is now in debt for money applied to the act she acknowledged the Constitution of the benefit of these so-called seceding States, in comUnited States, and the laws and treaties of the mon with the rest. Is it just, either that creditors United States made in pursuance of the Constitution, shall go unpaid, or the remaining States pay the to be for her the supreme law of the land. The States whole? A part of the present national debt was have their status in the Union, and they have no other contracted to pay the old debts of Texas. Is it just legal status. If they break from this, they can only that she shall leave, and pay no part of this herself? do so against law and by revolution. The Union, and Again : if one State may secede, so may annot themselves separately, procured their indepen-other; and when all shall have seceded, none is left dence and their liberty. By conquest or purchase the to pay the debts. Is this quite just to creditors ? Union gave each of them whatever of independence Did we notify them of this sage view of ours when and liberty it has. The Union is older than any of we borrowed their money? If we now recognize the States, and in fact it created them as States. this doctrine by allowing the seceders to go in Originally, some independent colonies made the peace, it is difficult to see what we can do if others Union; and, in turn, the Union threw off their old choose to go, or to extort terms apon which they dependence for them and made them States, such as will promise to remain. they are. Not one of them ever had a State consti- " The seceders insist that our Constitution admits tution independent of the Union. Of course, it is of secession. They have assumed to make a na. not forgotten that all the new States framed their tional Constitution of their own, in which, of ne. constitutions before they entered the Union; never cessity, they have either discarded or retained the theless, dependent upon, and preparatory to, coming right of secession, as, they insist, it exists in ours. into the Union.

If they have discarded it, they thereby admit that, “Unquestionably the States have the powers and on principle, ought not to be in ours. rights reserved to them in and by the National Con- have retained it, by their own construction of ours stitution; but among these, surely, are not included they show that to be consistent they must secede all conceivable powers, however mischievous or de- from one another, whenever they shall find it the structive ; but, at most, such only as were known in easiest way of settling their debts, or effecting any the world at the time as governmental powers; and other selfish or unjust object. The principle itself certainly a power to destroy the Government itself is one of disintegration, and upon which no govern. had never been known as a governmental-as a ment can possibly endure. merely administrative power. This relative matter • If all the States, save one, should assert the

If they

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power to drive that one out of better he is likely to get in its The President's Mes

The President's Megthe Union, it is presumed the stead, whether the substitute

sage. whole class of seceder politi- will give, as he intended to give, cians would at once deny the power, and denounce so much of good to the people. There are some the act as the greatest outrage upon State rights. But foreshadowings on this subject. suppose that precisely the same act, instead of being "Our adversaries have adopted some declarations called ' driving the one out,' should be called the se. of independence, in which, unlike the good old one ceding of the others from that one :' it would be ex- penned by Jefferson, they omit the words, ' all men actly what the seceders claim to do; unless, indeed, are created equal.' Why? They have adopted a they make the point, that the one, because it is a temporary National Constitution in the preamble o! minority, may rightfully do what the others, because which, unlike our good old one signed by Washing. they are a majority, may not rightfully do. These ton, they omit,' We, the people,' and substitute politicians are subtle and profound on the rights of “We, the Deputies of the sovereign and independent minorities. They are not partial to that power States.' which made the Constitution, and speaks from the Why? Why this deliberate pressing out of view preamble, calling itself. We, the People.'

the rights of men, and the authority of the people ? It may well be questioned whether there is, to.

“ This is essentially a people's contest. On the day, a majority of the legally qualified voters of any side of the Union, it is a struggle for maintaining in State, except perhaps South Carolina, in favor of

the world that form and substance of Government disunion. There is much reason to believe that the whose leading object is to elevate the condition of Union men are the majority in many, if not in every

men-to lift artificial weights from all shoulders--to other one, of the so-called seceded States. The con- clear the paths of laudable pursuit for all—to afford trary has not been demonstrated in an one of them. all an unfettered start and a fair chance in the race It is ventured to affirm this even of Virginia and Ten- of life. Yielding to partial and temporary depar. nessee ; for the result of an election held in military tures, from necessity, this is the leading object of the camps, where the bayonets are all on one side of the Government for whose existence we contend. question voted upon, can scarcely be considered as “I am most happy to believe that the plain peodemonstrating popular sentiment. At such an elec. ple understand and appreciate this. It is worthy tion all that large class who are, at once, for the of note that while, in this the Government's hour of Union and against coercion, would be coerced to vote trial, large numbers of those in the Army and Navy against the Union.

who have been favored with the offices have revign" It may be affirmed, without extravagance, that ed, and proved false to the hand which had pamthe free institutions we enjoy have developed the pered them, not one common soldier or common

sailor is known to have deserted his flag. powers, and improved the condition, of our whole people, beyond any example in the world. Of

“Great honor is due to those officers who remainthis we now have a striking and an impressive il

ed true, despite the example of their treacherous lustration. So large an army as the Government associates; but the greatest honor, and most imporhas now on foot was never before known without a

tant fact of all, the unanimous firmness of the soldier in it but who had taken his place there of his

common soldiers and common sailors. To the last own free choice. But more than this, there are

man, so far as known, they have successfully resisted many single regiments whose members, one and

the traitorons efforts of those whose commands, but another, possess full practical knowledge of all the

an hour before, they obeyed as absolute law. This arts, sciences, professions, and whatever else, wheth is the patriotic instinct of plain people. They in. er useful or elegant, is known in the world ; and there derstand, without an argument, that the destroying is scarcely one from which there could not be se

the Government which was made by Washington lected a President, a Cabinet, a Congress, and per

means no good to them. haps a Court, abundantly competent to admin

“Our popular Government has often been called ister the Government itself! Nor do I say this is

an experiment. Two points in it our people havo not true also in the army of our late friends, now

already settled: the successful establishing and the adversaries, in this contest; but if it is, so much

successful administering of it. One still remains : its better the reason why the Government, which has

successful maintenance against a formidable internal conferred such benefits on both them and us, should attempt to overthrow it. It is now for them to de. not be broken up.

monstrate to the world that those who can fairly “Whoever in any section proposes to abandon ballots are the rightful and peaceful successors of

carry an election can also suppress a rebellion; thrt such a Government would do well to consider in de

bullets; and that when ballots have fairly and conference to what principle it is that he does it, what | stitutionally decided, there can be no successful ap.

The President's Mes.



peal back to bullets; that there, what might follow. In full view of his great recan be no successful appeal ex. sponsibility, he has, so far, done what he has deemed

cept to ballots themselves, at his duty. You will now, according to your own judg. succeeding elections. Such will be a great lesson of ment, perform yours. He sincerely hopes that peace; teaching men that what they cannot take by your views and your action may so accord with his an election, neither can they take by a war ; teach- as to assure all faithful citizens who have been dising all the folly of being the beginners of a war. turbed in their rights, of a certain and speedy re

“Lest there be some uneasiness in the minds of storation to them,under the Constitution and the laws. candid men as to what is to be the course of the

“ And, having thus chosen our course, without Government towards the Southern States after the guile and with pure purpose, let us renew our trust rebellion shall have been suppressed, the Executive in God, and go forward without fear and with manly deems it proper to say it will be his purpose then, hearts. as ever, to be guided by the Constitution and the

July 4th, 1861. ABRAHAM LINCOLN." laws, and that he probably will have no different

The reading was interunderstanding of the powers and duties of the Fed

rupted with repeated ap

Reception of the Mes. eral Government, relatively to the rights of the

plause in the House, by States and the people under the Constitution, than

members and the galleries. In the Senate that expressed in the Inaugural Address.

the expression of approval was made pleasHe desires to preserve the Government, that it may be administered for all as it was administered ingly manifest. No Congress convened since by the men who made it. Loyal citizens every- the adoption of the Constitution can be rewhere have the right to claim this of their Govern. garded as exceeding in importance this extra ment; and the Gov-ernment has no right to withhold session ; and this document, announcing the or neglect it. It is not perceived that in giving it, policy of the Administration, may be prothere is any coercion conquest, or any subjugation, nounced one of the most important that ever in any just sense of those terms.

emanated from Executive hands. Its publica“The Constitution provides, and all the States tion was awaited by the people with the have accepted the provision, that the United

most feverish anxiety. That it would meet States shall guarantee to every State in this Union the crisis manfully, patriotically, all regard. a republican form of Government. But if a State

ed as certain; yet, there was experienced an may lawfully go out of the Union, having done so, it may also discard the republican form of Govern agreeable surprise at its wholesome vigor and ment; so that to prevent its going out is an indis- | impressive earnestness. It impressed the pensable means to the end of maintaining the guar- reader, first, with a sense of its candor; antee mentioned ; and when an end is lawful and second, with its kindness; third, with its obligatory, the indispensable means to it are also truth ; thus carrying conviction to the mind, lawful and obligatory.

and preparing it to accept the issue involved “It was with the deepest regret that the Execu. --the necessity for great sacrifices, great extive found the duty of employing the war power in pense, great endurance, in sustaining the Exdefense of the Government forced upon him. He

ecutive. It is probable that no message, could but perform this duty, or surrender the exist

even upon the minor questions of Executive ence of the Government. No compromise by public servants could in this case be a cure; not that policy, ever met with such hearty and almost compromises are not often proper, but that no

general approval among those still acknowl. popular Government can long survive a marked edging the supremacy of the Federal Govprecedent that those who carry an election can

ernment. only save the Government from immediate destruc- The reports from the Sec

Report of the Secre tion by giving up the main point upon which the retaries of the Treasury,

tary of the Treasury people gave the election. The people themselves, War and Navy were very and not their servants, can safely reverse their own lucid and admirable papers. Mr. Chase deliberate decisions.

opened his budget, with its enormous estiAs a private citizen, the Executive could not

mates, with confidence. The amount subhave consented that these institutions shall perish;

mitted as requisite for the fiscal year of 1863 much less could he, in betrayal of so vast and so sacred a trust as these free people had confided to

was set down at $318,519,580. To raise this him. He felt that he had no moral right to shrink, sum his suggestions were to increase the duty

to make it net nor even to count the chances of his own life, in list of the tariff so

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$57,000,000; to raise by di- “Under the acts of February Report of the Secretary of the Treasury. rect taxation $20,000,000 ; and March, 1861, the present Report of the Secre

tary of the Treasury. by loan from the people Secretary, in April, 1861, dis$100,000,000, or so much as may be subscribed posed of $3,099,000 in bonds, at rates varying from for, (on 7.30 per cent treasury notes, interest eighty-five per centum to par, and $4,901,000 in payable semi-annually, and redeemable at the treasury notes at above par, realizing for the pleasure of the United States after three $8,000,000 offered the sum of $7,814,898 to the trea.

sury, and in May, 1861, he further disposed of years,) and $140,000,000 or the amount requi- $7,310,000. site to make up $240,000,000 by issue of Gov

The present Secretary also invited proposals, at ernment bonds, of various denominations, re- par, for $13,978,000, being the balance of the loan deemable in a period not exceeding thirty authorized by the act of June, 1861. No bids were years, bearing an interest not exceeding seven received except three for twelve thousand in the per cent., and to be sold at not less than par aggregate, which having been made under misapvalue.

prehension, were permitted to be withdrawn, or apHis exhibit of the condition of the finances, plied as offers for treasury notes at par, or for bids

under the act of February, at eighty-five per cent. was as follows:

The Secretary has since, under the authority of ** The Secretary has already said that on the supposition that $80,000,000 may be raised by taxation March, 1861, issued treasury notes to offerers at par,

and in payınent to public creditors to the amount in the mode proposed, or derived from the sales of

of $2,584,550. the public lands and miscellaneous sources, it will

“ The only authority now existing for obtaining still be necessary, in order to meet the extra

money by loans is, therefore, found in the act of the ordinary demands of the present crisis, to raise the

2d of March, 1861, which authorizes the issuing of sum of $240,000,000 by loans. A comparison of the

bonds bearing an interest of six per cent., or in de. acts by which loans have been already authorized

fault of offers at par, the issue or payment of and of the loans actually made, will show what resources of this description are available under the treasury notes bearing the same rate of interest at

par to the amount of $10,000,000 in bonds at rates existing laws. “ The act of June 224, 1860, authorized the bor-varying from eighty-five to ninety-three per cent.,

and $1,684,000 in treasury notes at par, realizing rowing of $21,000,000, at an interest not above six

for the $8,994,000 offered, the sum of $7,922 553.45 ; per cent. Under this authority, Mr. Secretary Cobh,

and in the act of June 22d, 1860, as modifie} by the in October, 1860, negotiated a loan of $20,000,000 ;

act of March 20, 1860, under which treasury notes but, from causes not necessary to be here specified, at six per cent. may be issued or paid to creditors the takers of $2,978,000 failed to make good their

at par to the amount of $11,393,450, making in offers. The amount realized, therefore, was only all the aggregate of loans authorized in some form, $17,022,000, leaving for future negotiation under the

$21,393,450. act the sum of $3,978,000.

“ This authority, under existing circumstances, is "The act of the 8th of February, 1861, authorized

no further available than as creditors may desire to another loan of $25,000,000 on bonds at six per accept payment in treasury notes at six per cent., cent., and permitted the acceptance of the best bids, which is not to be expected except, perhaps, as an whether above or below par. Under this act, in

alternative for delays, of which a just or prudent February, 1861, Mr. Secretary Dix disposed of bonds

Government will not, unless under extreme neces. to the amount of $8,006,000, at rates varying from

sity, permit the occurrence. It needs no further 90.15 to 96.10 for each $1,000, and realizing the sum

argument to work the conviction that under the ex. of $7,213,500.35, leaving to be negotiated the sum

isting laws little or nothing of the required sum can of $16,994,000.

be realized. The magnitude of the occasion requires “ The act of March 20, 1861, commonly called the

other measures, as the contest in which the Governtariff act, authorized another loan of $10,000,000, at

ment is now engaged is a contest for National exan interest not exceeding six per cent., and also au

istence and the sovereignty of the people." thorized the Secretary of the Treasury to issue trea

He proposed articles to be added to the fory notes in exchange for coin or in payment of debts for the amount of any bids not accepted under tariff schedule—enhanced the duties on others the act of February 3d, 1861, and for the amount of -suggested the reduction, by ten per cent., any loan restricted to par, not taken under the

of salaries of Government employees — pro

proposals authorized by the act of January 18th, 1860, posed the ways and meaus for opening and or by the tariff act itself.

carrying out the National 7.30 per cent. loan

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