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confidence, at once inspiring and encour
“ Mr Lincoln's Inaugural Adaging. In the Border States it also created dress is before our readers
over the Inaugural. a favorable impression, and did so much to couched in the cool, unimpas. strengthen the Union men in North Carolina, sioned, deliberate language of the fanatic, with the Tennessee, and Virginia, that the Secession- purpose of pursuing the promptings of fanaticism ists found themselves, for a few days, quito the horrors of civil war. Virginia has the long-lookci.
even to the dismemberment of the Government, with disarmed by its unexpectedly considerate
for and promised peace-offering before hier; and she and dignified position. But, from the Con- has more-she has the denial of all hope of peace. federate Government, came the key-note for Civil war must now come. Sectional war, declared the chorus of revolution. The Inaugural by Mr. Lincoln, awaits only the signal-gun from the was declared to be a message of war, and the insulted Southern Confederacy, to light its horrid order went forth to prepare for the impend- fires all along the borders of Virginia. No action of ing crisis of conflict.
our Convention can now maintain the peace. She A dispatch from New Orleans, dated March must fight! The liberty of choice is yet hers. She
may march to the contest with her sister States of 5th, read :
the South, or she must march to the conflict against “ The Inaugural is regarded as incongruous and them. There is left no middle course ; there is left contradictory relative to Constitutional rights. The
no more peace; war must settle the conflict, and the assertion that the ordinances of the Seceded States God of Battle give victory to the right! We must are void, and their acts insurrectionary, coupled | be invaded by Davis or by Lincoln. The former can with the determination to hold, occupy, and possess rally 50,000 of the best and bravest sons of Virginia, the Government property, and to collect revenue, who will rush with willing hearts and ready hands is received as an open declaration of war. The as
to the standard that protects the rights and defends sertion that no blood will be shed and no invasion
the honor of the South--for every traitor heart that made unless the South resists, is ridiculed.
offers aid to Lincoln there will be many, many who “ Dispatches to-day from Montgomery universally will glory in the opportunity to avenge the treason concede war to be inevitable. The Southern Con- by a sharp and certain death. Let not Virginians gress was engaged in organizing a standing army be arrayed against each other; and since we cannot of ten thousand men. Eight thousand men can at avoid war, let us determine that together, as people once be placed on a movable war-footing.
of the same State, we will defend each other, and “ The Picayune of to-day states that a precedent preserve the soil of the State from the polluting foot exists for the South to regard any attempt at coer- of the Black Republican invader. The question, cion as a declaration of war, by the act of Congress, Where shall Virginia go ?' is answered by Mr. Linin 1845, declaring in preamble tható war exists by coln. She must go to wur--and she must decide the act of Mexico.'"
with whom she wars--whether with those who have
suffered Irer wrongs, or with those who have inflicted Dispatches from Richmond, of the same date, expressed defiance of the Government her injuries. Our ultimate destruction pales before should it attempt to reassert its authority the present emergency. To war! to arms! is now
the cry; and when peace is declared, if ever, in our over the “seized” forts, arsenals, &c. The
day, Virginia may decide where she will finally rest. telegraph in the South be- But for the present she has no choice left; war with Southern Excitement
ing one of the especial in- Lincoln or with Davis is the choice left us. Read over the Inaugural,
struments of the Secession the Inaugural carefully, and then let every reader leaders, was made to do cluty in "firing the demand of his delegate in the Convention the Southern heart," and, for a few days, the prompt measures of defence which it is now appar. several Seceded States were, apparently, list- ent we must make."---Richmond Inquirer. ening to the martial music of the wires as “ The Inaugural, as a whole, breathes the spirit of their chief pastime. The dispatches which mischief. It has only a conditional conservatism-came North, from the revolutionary local- that is, the lack of ability or some inexpediency to
do what it would. It assumes despotic authority, ities, fairly flamed with "indignation," de
and intimates the design to exercise that authority to fiance," " resistance to the bitter end,” &c., any extent of war and bloodshed, qualified only by the &c. As matters of interest, showing the withholding of the requisite means to the end by the temper of “Southern” feeling in the States American people. The argumentation of the adof Maryland and Virginia, we quote from dress is puerile. Indeed, it has no quality entitled two journals in the Secession interest: to the dignity of an argument. It is a shaky speci
The Democratic Press
of the North.
nien of special pleading, by way of justifying the Northern States, the feeling was that of spite unrighteous character and deeds of that fanaticism merely; while, with the Republican journals, Fhich, lifted into power, may be guilty, as it is ca. and a large majority of the Douglas Demopable of any atrocities. There is no Union spirit in cratic organs, the sentiments expressed were the address; it is sectional and mischievous, and those of hearty, earnest congratulation at studiously withholds any sign of recognition of that
the promise of a just and firm administraequality of the States upon which Union can alone
tion of affairs, let the issue be what it might, be maintained. If it means what it says, it is the
The Inaugural was fierceknell and requiem of the Union, and the death of
ly assailed in the Senate,
Clingman's Assault of hope.!' - Baltimore Sun.
the Inaugural. The “Democratic” Press Wednesday, (March 6th,) of the North, with few ex
by Mr. Clingman, of North Carolina, and deceptions, were disposed to fended, very pointedly, by Mr. Douglas. regard it favorably. These exceptions were in Mr. Clingman said the President expressly
declares that he intends to treat the States journals in the Breckenridge interest, which, we may here state, up to the very last possi- as if they all were still in the Union—thus ble hour, supported the cause of the Seceding regarding the acts of secession as a nullity! States. The following notices will show
As certain States had declared their independtheir feeling:
ence, if the President acted upon his de“Mr. Lincoln stands to-day where he stood on the cision, war must follow. It is plain and 6th of November last, on the Chicago Platform. He
unmistakable that he intends to hold, occuhas not receded a single hair's-breadth. He has ap- py, and possess the forts, the arsenals, &c., in pointed a Cabinet in which there is no slaveholder—a those Seceded States, when we know this can thing that has never before happened since the formation be done only by dispossessing the State auof the Government; and in which there are but two thorities. The collection of the revenue ncminally Southern men, and both bitter Black Re- therein must also lead to a collision of arms. pablicans of the radical dye. Let the Border States after we declared our independence of Great ignominiously submit to the Abolition rule of this Britain, nobody supposed the colonies would Lincoin Administration if they like, but don't let the miserable submissionists pretend to be deceived.
In fact, they refused to pay
before their declaration of independe:ace. Make any base or cowardly excuse but this.''Philadelphia Pennsylvanim.
He repeated, if the President's policy be car** The tone of the Message is courteous, considerate, ried out, there must inevitably be war. and even conciliatory. The casual reader would at Mr. Douglas could not
Douglas' Defence of once be taken by the honeyed phrases in which it is allow the North Carolina
the Inaugural, couebed, the many obvious truths it contains, and Senator's remarks to pass certain adipissions of Constitutional rights which, unanswered. He thought the Inaugural was after the frantic denunciations of an Anti-Slavery characterized by great ability and directpolitical campaign, seem almost like concessions.
ness on certain points. He had read it We could reconcile & peaceful policy with the In
critically, and thought there could be augural, but still there is a stiag left. The Inaugural
no doubt as to its intent—that it was a peace is not satisfactory; it is ambiguous; and we fear the
rather than a war declaration. If the laws Republicans, even while professing the most peace. ful intentions. Coercion could not have been put in
are to be executed, Congress must supply the a more agreeable form; it reads like a challenge means. Mr. Douglas assumed that Mr. Linunder the code, in which an invitation to the field is coln's purpose was to make Congress responveiled ander the most satisfactory syllables.”—New sible for the course that he should pursue, as York News.
it alone could give him the means to “ use, These notices could be extended to great occupy, and possess the property and places length, but those above given will answer for belonging to the United States, and to colthe tenor of the opposition manifested. In lect the duties and imports.” the extieme South it was war; in the Border The President does not say he will tako Slave States it was non-submission to a policy possession of the forts, but that he will hold, of coercing the rebellious States; among the occupy, and possess them. This was equivocoadjutors of the revolutionists, in the cal language, but he did not condemn the
President for it. Beyond with this view. If this is not the true construc. Donglas' Defence of the Inaugural.
what may be necessary for tion, why was there not inserted a pledge to
these objects there will be use coercion, retake the forts, recapture the no invasion, no using of force among the peo-arsenals, collect the revenue, and enforce the ple anywhere. If it is the duty of the President laws, unless there was attached to each one to enforce the revenue laws, it is his duty to a condition on which the pledge was to be enforce the other laws. It cannot be justified carried out? The pledge is only to do what that the revenue laws shall be enforced, and is requisite to a peaceful solution. all other laws, which afford protection as a He submitted whether or not the friends compensation for taxes, shall not be enforced. of peace have not much to rejoice at. The He thought there were two points in which Inaugural was much
conservative they could find a solution of these doubts. than he had anticipated. It was more paThe President says: “Where hostility to the cific and concilitary than he had predicted. United States in any interior locality shall be He repeated, after a careful examination and 80 great and so universal as to prevent com- analysis, he was clearly of the opinion that petent resident citizens from holding the the Administration stands pledged to a peaceFederal offices, there will be no attempt to ful solution, and will do no act that will lead force obnoxious strangers among the people to war, and make no change of policy unless for that object.” The President draws a dis- necessary to preserve peace. He thought the tinction between the exterior and interior. President had stated the cause of the troubles If he has power in one case, he has power in clearly, and indicated a remedy. the other. If it is his duty, in one case, to Mr. Douglas also referred quite at length enforce the laws, it is his duty in the other. to the other points of the Inaugural, taking There was no provision of law which au- the ground that the President's wishes were thorizes a distinction in this respect between those of peace that his only aim was & places in the interior and on the seaboard. peaceful solution of the National troubles.
This brought him to the construction of Clingman replied. He said that, on the another clause, the most important of all, main points of the address, there was no and the key to the entire policy. But he was doubt, for the President said: “I therefore rejoiced when he read it. He invited atten- consider that, in view of
Clingman's Rejoinder tion to it, as showing conclusively that the the Constitution and the
to Douglas. President is pledged to a policy which looks laws, the Union is unto a peaceful solution of our difficulties, and broken, and to the extent of my ability I against all others. He says: “The course shall take care, as the Constitution expressly here indicated will be followed, unless the enjoins upon me, that the laws of the Union current of events and experience shall show shall be faithfully executed in all the States." a modification or change to be proper; and Can anything be more explicit than that? in every case or exigency my best discretion How does the President execute the laws in will be exercised, according to the circum- Virginia and Pennsylvania ?
Occupy the stances usually existing, and with a view and forts and arsenals, and collect the duties! a hope of a peaceful solution of the National This is what he says he will do in all the troubles, and the restoration of fraternal States. But the Senator from Illinois says, it sympathies and affections.” In other words, the people will not give him the power, then the President says, if the collection of the he cannot do it. How stands the case? The revenue will lead to a peaceful solution, then President has control of fifteen thousand men. it will be collected. If the abandonment of In the course of a few weeks one-half of them that colleetion will have that effect, then it will could be concentrated. Would he not feel be abandoned. So of the forts and arsenals bound to use the army and navy to retake in the Seceding States. He will recapture or Fort Moultrie ? The language implies this. not recapture them, and will reenforce or not The President regards the taking of the forts reenforce Forts Sumter and Pickens; pledged and arsenals as insurrectionary and revoluin either case to a peaceful policy, and acting |tionary; and, to make the matter more spe
OLING MAN'S REJOINDER TO DOUGLAS.
says: “ The power | for increasing the apprehenClingman's Rejoinder confided to me will be used sions and inflaming the pas
Clingman's Rejoinder to Douglas.
to Douglas. to hold, occupy, and pos- sions of the South, with a sess the property and places belonging to the view of driving them into revolution, there Government, and to collect the duties and was none better calculated to produce this imposts." It is true he says, “beyond what result than this one to amend the Constitumay be necessary for these objects there will tion, rejecting all others which were infinitely be no invasion, no using of force against or more important to the Slaveholding States. among the people anywhere.” But, what The Senator from Illinois, as the effect of this does this mean? It means that the Pres- language, says to the President-by coming ident will not use force on obedient men, out for this amendment and rejecting all He would not do this in the District of Co-others, you are inflaming the passions of the lumbia. But he means to compel everybody South and increasing their apprehensions. to obedience, The Senator from Illinois If so, is that a pacific policy? knows very well that the States which have
Mr. Douglas interrupted to say that the seceded claim the right to occupy the forts, President had not declared for that amendbut the President says he will compel them ment, alone and against all others. In that to pay taxes, &c. If they submit, of course case he would have proven that he was not there will be no bloodshed. He (Clingman) willing to give security to the South. might with as much propriety say to the Mr. Clingman, resuming, insisted that Senator from Illinois, “I intend to take and Mr. Lincoln had recognized one amendoccupy your house, but I will use no force or ment and none other. He knew that the violence if you submit.” Now, the Seceding Crittenden amendment has attracted more States regard their right to the forts as dear attention than any other, and that some of to them as a man to his own house, and the State Legislatures planted themselves on don't agree to be turned out. He would not, it as an ultimatum. When Mr. Lincoln rechowever, argue these points. Every Senator ommends but one amendment and not others, could consider them as well as he could. that is significant. He has ignored every The Senator from Illinois says the President amendment likely to give peace; not only the is willing to acquiesce in the amendments to Crittenden, but the Peace Conference propothe Constitution, and in the Crittenden prop- sition; the latter got up and paraded here osition. He wished to know how long it with great pomp. None of these things is would take for them to amend the Constitu- recommended by Mr. Lincoln. Therefore he tion? He believed it took several years at (Clingman) said the Inaugural is liable to the the commencement of this century, and did construction Mr. Douglas placed on Mr. any man suppose such amendments could be Seward's remarks. Suppose the Crittenden made during the term of this Administra- proposition had received more than nineteen tion? But, here was a pressing emergency. votes. The Senator from Illinois knew it As to the proposed amendment recently pass- could not have received two-thirds of the ed by Congress, would it be satisfactory to Senate. The practical question is, Shall we the South The Senator from Illinois made have an effort to take the forts and a collision, a strong statement just before the close of and an attempt to collect the revenue, or not? Congress, while referring to the Senator from It will not do to wait two or four years for a New York (Mr. Seward) and the Republican Convention to amend the Constitution. If party. He (Clingman) regarded it as forci- the President uses the power in the way he ble and true, for the Senator always spoke mentions, we must have war.
If he were å with great force and effect. That Senator, friend of the President, he would advise him on the occasion referred to, said: “You offer to withdraw the troops from Forts Sumter to amend the Constitution by declaring that and Pickens. The only effect of keeping no amendment shall be made empowering them there is to irritate the Southern States. Congress to interfere with Slavery in the Will they allow this condition of things to States! If you had exhausted your ingenuity continue until Congress can be called togeth
er? He thought not. The best policy was experiment; and so as to to withdraw the troops, and leave the rest to recapturing Fort Moultrie. Wigfall Once More. negotiation, and amicable adjudication. If he should not remove
On Thursday, Wigfall, the troops from Fort Sumter, they will bo Wigfall Once More. of Texas, once more ad- removed for him. The abstract of his further
dressed the Senate : As remarkable remarks is: Mr. Douglas had given his views of the In- “ The adoption of the Crittenden compromise propaugural, it was proper that he (Wigfall) osition might have adjusted the dificulties of the should also make known his opinions. His country; but it only received nineteen votes in the State having seceded, it was natural to
Senate. The Senator from Illinois (Douglas) has
suppose that Wigfall would have considered his said that • war cannot preserve the Union. The lease of the Senate floor as expired; but, the States have formed a Confederation, and to tell
Union, however, is dissolved. Seven Southern “ gentleman from Texas” concluded to stay them, as the President has done, that their acts of as long as he pleased-as much from contempt secession are no more than pieces of blank paper, of the United States authorities, as from a is an insult. He repeated, there is no Union left. desire to intrigue for his Southern cause. The Seceded States will never, surely, come back. He spake with even more than his usual | They will not now come back, under any circumcoarseness and insolence, saying:
stances. They will not live under this AdministraWaiving all questions of regularity as to the tion. Withdraw your troops, then; make no atexistence of their Government, they are here tempt to collect tribute, and enter into a treaty of to enter into a treaty with the Federal Govern- peace with those States. Do this, and you will have ment, and the matters in controversy must be peace. Send your flag of thirty-four stars thither, settled either by treaty or by the sword. It is easy and it will be fired into, and war will ensue. Will to talk about enforcing the laws, and holding and you divide the public property and make a fair as. occupying and possessing forts. When you come to sessment of the public debt, or will you sit stupidly this, bayonets and not words must settle the ques- and idly, doing nothing until there shall be a conflict tion, and he would here say that Forts Pickens and of arms, because you cannot compromise with Sumter cannot be held much longer. The present traitors? Let the remaining States reform their Administration will soon be forced to construe the Government, and, if it is acceptable, the Southern Inaugural. Forts Moultrie and Johnson, and Castle Confederacy will enter into a treaty of peace and Pinckney, are in the possession of the Confederate amity with them. If you want peace, you shall have States, but the Confederate States will not leave it; if you want war, you shall have it. The time for Fort Sumter in the possession of the Federal Gov. platforms and demagoguism has past. Treat with ernment. In reply to Mr. Douglas, he (Wigfall) de. the Confederate States as independent, and you can nied that the Union, as it was formerly, now exists have peace. Treat them as States of this Union, and legally and constitutionally. The evil is upon us; you will have war. Mr. Lincoln has to remove the the disease is seated. A blue pill at night and a cup troops from Forts Pickens and Sumter, or they will of coffee next morning may relieve the liver, bat be removed for him. He has to collect the revenue when the disease is on you, blistering and blood-let- at Charleston, Savannah, and New Orleans, or it will ting are sometiines necessary-and, when the patient be collected for him. If he attempts to collect the dies, it is necessary to have a coffin very deep, a revenue, resistance will be made. It is useless to funeral service, and things of that sort. As he said blind your eyes. No compromise or amendment to the other night, the only question is, whether there the Constitution, no arrangement you may enter shall be a decent, quiet funeral, after the Protestant into, will satisfy the South, unless you recognize form, or an Irish wake. The Union is dead, and has slaves as property, and protect it as any other speto be buried. If you want a Protestant funeral, you cics of property. These States withdrew from the can have it; if not, you can have an Irish wake." Union, because their property was not protected.
He proceeded to refer to the proposed col- The Republicans have preserved an ominous silence lection of the revenue, and advised the Presi
on the subject of the Inaugural. The speech of the
Senator from Illinois (Douglas) was calculated to dent that he had better deal with the ques- produce the impression that Mr. Lincoln will do tion practically, though, after all, it really nothing. But the masterly-inactivity' policy cannot muttered but little how he treated it. If he prevail. • Action! Action! Action!' as the greai (Lincoln) supposes the reenforcement of Fort ! Athenian orator said, is now necessary. You can. Sumter will lead to peace, he can make the not longer serve God and Mammon. You must