fare is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes, and conditions.

In every stage of these Oppressions we have petitioned for Redress in the most humble terms: Our repeated Petitions have been answered only by repeated injury. A Prince, whose character is thus marked by every act which may define a Tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free People.

Nor have we been wanting in attention to our British brethren. We have warned them from time to time of attempts by their legislature to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them of the circumstances of our emigration and settlement here. We have appealed to their native justice and magnanimity, and we have conjured them by the ties of our common kindred to disavow these usurpations, which would inevitably interrupt our connections and correspondence. They too have been deaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity. We must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessity, which denounces our separation, and hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind, Enemies, in War, in Peace Friends.

We, therefore, the Representatives of the united States of America, in General Congress, Assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the Name, and by Authority of the good People of these Colonies, solemnly publish and declare, That these United Colonies are, and of Right ought to be Free and Independent States; that they are Absolved from all Allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political connection between them and the State of Great Britain, is and ought to be totally dissolved; and that as Free and Independent States, they have full Power to levy War, conclude Peace, contract Alliances, establish Commerce, and to do all other Acts and Things which Independent States may of right do. And for the support

of this Declaration, with a firm reliance on the Protection of Divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our Lives, our Fortunes and our sacred Honor.

JOHN HANCOCK.

New Hampshire-JOSIAH BARTLETT, WM. WHIPPLE, MATTHEW THORNTON.

Massachusetts Bay-SAML. ADAMS, JOHN ADAMS, ROBT. TREAT PAINE, ELBRIDGE GERRY.

Rhode Island-STEP. HOPKINS, WILLIAM Ellery.

Connecticut-ROGER SHERMAN, SAM'EL HUNTINGTON, WM. WILLIAMS, OLIVER WOLCOTT.

New York-WM. FLOYD, PHIL. LIVINGSTON, FRANS. LEWIS, LEWIS MORRIS.

New Jersey-RICHD. STOCKTON, JNO. WITHERSPOON, FRAS. HOPKINSON, JOHN HART, ABRA. CLARK.

Pennsylvania-ROBT. MORRIS, BENJAMIN RUSH, BENJA. FRANKLIN, JOHN MORTON, GEO. CLYMER, JAS. SMITH, GEO. TAYLOR, JAMES WILSON, GEO. Ross.

Delaware-CESAR RODNEY, GEO. READ, THO. M'KEAN. Maryland-SAMUEL CHASE, WM. PACA, THOS. STONE, CHARLES CARROLL of Carrollton.

Virginia-GEORGE WYTHE, RICHARD HENRY LEE, TH. JEFFERSON, BENJA. HARRISON, THOS. NELSON, jr., FRANCIS LIGHTFOOT LEE, CARTER BRAXTON.

North Carolina-Wм. HOOPER, JOSEPH HEWES, JOHN PENN.

South Carolina-EDWARD RUTLEDGE, THOS. HEYWARD, Junr., THOMAS LYNCH, Junr., ARTHUR MIDDLETON.

Georgia-BUTTON GWINNETT, LYMAN HALL, GEO. WAL

TON.

LINCOLN'S INAUGURATION.

THE ELECTION OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.

ON the sixth day of November, 1860, Abraham Lincoln was elected President of the United States. For the fifteen years preceding, the country had been in a state of constant agitation respecting the question of the extension of slavery. The Mexican War, the admission of Texas, the admission of California, the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, the conflict in Kansas and Nebraska, the Dred Scott Decision were all phases of a struggle which had been growing more intense and bitter and which had awakened painful forebodings in all patriotic hearts. The South had grown bold and aggressive. It was determined to maintain an equal representation in the Senate with the North. This would be impossible without the admission of more slave States. On the other hand, the idea that the ownership of one man by another was a moral wrong, that it brought degradation to both master and slave, and that therefore the system which was identified with the spread of these evils must be "cribbed, cabined, and confined," had been taking a deeper hold of the public conscience in the North. Hence men talked of an "irrepressible conflict." The national outcome was the formation of the Republican party in 1856, whose cardinal principle was opposition to the extension of slavery in the territories. On this issue Mr. Lincoln had lost an election to the Senate of the United States after a most exciting contest with Judge Douglas. In this senatorial contest he had, however, shown himself to be not only an able debater and a wise politician, but a man of earnest convictions and firm principles. This event had, doubtless, an important influence in securing his nomination for the presidency in 1860. The election resulted

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in the choice of Mr. Lincoln by a popular vote greater than any President had ever before received. The four months intervening between his election and inauguration were full of the most stirring events. Beginning with South Carolina, seven States had passed ordinances of secession, and met February 4th at Montgomery, Ala., to form a Confederacy. The ostensible reason for this movement was presented by the Governor of South Carolina, who justified it on the ground that "in the recent election for President and Vice-President the North had carried the election upon principles that make it no longer safe for us to rely upon the powers of the Federal Government or the guarantees of the Federal Compact." But other leaders in the Confederacy had the frankness to avow that this was not a spasmodic movement, but the result of a long-cherished purpose. After his election to the vice-presidency of the Confederacy Mr. Stephens found the real reason for the movement to be "that it has put at rest forever all agitating questions relating to our peculiar institutions . . the proper status of the negro in our form of civilization." Meanwhile several members of Pres. Buchanan's cabinet had resigned their positions, the senators from the seceding States had left their seats in Congress, and the forts, arsenals and other public property of the United States within the limits of the Confederacy had been seized. The session of Congress had been wasted in futile attempts to conciliate the South by the passage of various resolutions, and amendments to the Constitution. As a pledge of their intention not to interfere with slavery, they had adopted a resolution to amend the Constitution, prohibiting forever any amendment of the same interfering with slavery in any State.

Mr. Buchanan had declined to interfere with any movements looking to the establishment of an independent government in the South. Officers of the army and navy were entering the Confederate service and extensive preparations were being made for the reduction of Fort Sumter. The closing weeks of the administration were multiplying the difficulties that would beset the assumption of the presi

dential office by his successor. Mr. Lincoln did not exaggerate the fact in saying that those duties were "greater than had devolved upon any other man since the days of Washington."

THE INAUGURAL ADDRESS.

MR. LINCOLN had arrived in Washington February 23d. On his way from Springfield, Ill., he had addressed attentive crowds, in all the large cities as far east as Albany, upon the topics that were then uppermost in the minds of all men. These addresses were full of loyalty to the Union, of unbounded confidence in the people, and expressed the most devout desire for divine guidance and support.

The latter part of his journey had been hastened by the discovery of a plot intended to prevent his reaching the capital. His friends had thought best to frustrate this plot by a sudden change of plan. It was with a feeling of relief that the people learned of his safe arrival in Washington.

According to the usual custom the ceremony of inauguration took place in front of the Capitol. The constitutional oath was administered by Chief Justice Taney, who three years before had framed the Dred Scott Decision. Judge Douglass stood by his side and held his hat. The address was delivered in presence of an immense multitude of spectators, and of a large military force under the command of General Scott. It was listened to with profound attention, and all the passages which contained any allusion to the Union were heartily cheered.

The address in almost every line reveals the manner of one who proposes to meet a grave crisis by an appeal to the noblest sentiments of our nature--an appeal to reason and to patriotism. The language is dignified, direct, and devoid of ornament except in the concluding paragraph, which is strikingly figurative and exquisitely finished. There runs through it a certain tone of respectful friendliness to the South. With a spirit of evident sincerity he repels the charge that his election was likely to endanger the personal security or the property of the people of the South. Ap