upon a uniform system of duties and other commercial regulations, and a uniform currency. This was the germ of the subsequent regulation of this whole subject by constitutional provision.

No one of the men at that time in public life had better opportunities for knowing, certainly no one was more profoundly convinced than Washington that the Confederation as a form of government was a failure. In view of the approaching disbanding of the army he wrote, June 8, 1783, a circular letter addressed to the Governors of the States, but intended for the whole people, in which he says: "It is indispensable to the happiness of the individual States that there should be lodged somewhere a supreme power to regulate and govern the general concerns of the confederated republic, without which the Union cannot be of long duration, and everything must very rapidly tend to anarchy and confusion. It is only in our united character that we are known as an empire, that our independence is acknowledged, that our power can be regarded or our credit supported among foreign nations." And his letters as well as all his public acts show that all his great influence was wielded judiciously yet effectively for the formation of a federal union.

The purity of his character, his unselfish patriotism and his unparalleled services pointed him out as the one person above all others to preside over the Convention of 1787. At the suggestion of Franklin he was unanimously elected its president. Very delicate and difficult were the duties of the presiding officer of such a body of men, met for such a purpose. The permanent success of their work would have been hardly possible without the impartial, conciliating, magnanimous attitude of Washington through all the proceedings.

Whatever views may be entertained respecting the wis

dom of his policy in regard to certain political measures, very few persons familiar with the period will now be disposed to question the fact that our present prosperity as a nation must be attributed, in no small degree, to the foresight, the prudence and the lofty patriotism with which for eight years he conducted the affairs of the government.

He rose above the narrow provincial politics of the day which distorted the judgment of some of the best men with whom he had been associated. His home policy showed that he grasped clearly the new idea of national existence, and comprehended the measures best adapted to foster its feeble life. He first lifted our foreign policy to an independent position. Accustomed for a century and a half to more or less subserviency to foreign powers, “the great majority of the people were either French or English," as an acute observer remarked, "and but very few Americans." Washington saw clearly that there was no safety for the new republic except in a policy of neutrality. The determination to enforce this policy would awaken a feeling of nationality, and compel the respect of foreign powers. Once having adopted this course he maintained it with an inflexible purpose in spite of violent opposition and bitter abuse, until even his enemies were compelled to admit its wisdom.

Washington entered upon his duties as President with the intention of being the President of the nation rather than of a party. He was the more constrained to this course by reason of his unanimous election.

If he did not wholly succeed in this patriotic endeavor, it is because the successful administration of government under conditions which at present exist is not possible except through the organization of parties. None the less we cannot fail to admire the lofty moral purpose that prompted him to mediate between opposing parties

and to rise above the petty arts of the political aspirant. The attempt to maintain a balance of parties in his cabinet, though plausible, was an impracticable scheme, and on the retirement of Jefferson he abandoned it. He made the mistake of thinking that the political leaders of the day could act with as much freedom from prejudice, and with as intense a desire for the common welfare as himself. In these respects Washington stood alone. It was this elevation above the plane of selfish motives that gave him clearness of insight, and inspired the public mind with such confidence in his leadership.

CRITICAL OPINIONS.

"WASHINGTON stands alone and unapproachable like a snow-peak rising above its fellows into the clear air of morning, with a dignity, constancy and purity which have made him the ideal type of civic virtue to succeeding generations."-Bryce, Am. Commonwealth, I. 641.

"He did the two greatest things which in politics a man can have the privilege of attempting. He maintained by peace that independence of his country which he had acquired by war. He founded a free government in the name of the principles of order and by re-establishing their sway. Of all great men he was the most virtuous and the most fortunate. In the world God has no higher favors to bestow."-Guizot's Essay on Washington.

"No truth can be uttered with more confidence than that his ends were always upright and his means always pure. He exhibits the rare example of a politician to whom wiles were absolutely unknown, and whose professions to foreign governments and to his own countrymen were always sincere. In him was fully exemplified the real distinction which forever exists between wisdom and cunning, and the importance as well as the truth of the maxim that 'honesty is the best policy.'"-Marshall's Life of Washington, Vol. II. 447.

THE FAREWELL ADDRESS.

FOR several years previous to the expiration of his second term, Washington had contemplated the preparation of such a paper. His purpose was to present the results of his observation and reflection upon the character of our institutions, and to utter such words of counsel as might befit the occasion.

¿ It is well known that he consulted both Hamilton and Madison in the preparation of this address, and received valuable aid, not only in the way of suggestion, but of final revision, especially from the former. As to the share of Hamilton, the opinion of Jared Sparks may be quoted as offering a satisfactory explanation. "The question as to the manner in which the address originated is one of small moment, since its real importance consists in being known to contain the sentiments of Washington, uttered on a solemn occasion and designed for the benefit of his countrymen. . . My opinion is that the address, in the shape it now bears, is much indebted for its language and style to the careful revision and skilful pen of Hamilton; that he suggested some of the topics and amplified others, and that he undertook this task, not more as an act of friendship than from a sincere desire that a paper of this kind should go before the public in a form which would give it great and lasting utility. But I do not think that his aid, however valuable, was such as to detract from the substantial merit of Washington, or to divest him of a fair claim to the authorship of the address."

As a piece of literary workmanship, the address has just claims to be regarded as a classic, and may well serve as a model for statesmen in the preparation of state papers. In his letters and official papers Washington was accustomed to express himself with great clearness and directness and often with a certain felicity and grace of language. The address evidently comes from one who is aware that he has something important to say and tries to say it in simple and well-chosen words.

But the chief excellence of this document is due not so

much to its literary merit as to its commanding moral and religious character. It is not addressed to statesmen and legislators, but to the people. It sets forth the principles that lie at the basis of all permanent national prosperity, and insists upon the intimate relation between the character of a people and the perpetuity of their government. Never perhaps was the importance of morality and religion so thoroughly emphasized in any similar political document. Never were they commended to the practice of a people by any ruler with such affectionate earnestness. With all the fidelity of a counselor and friend, he points cut the two evils which seemed to him most likely to imperil the safety of the nation-the danger from excessive party spirit and from foreign alliances. These were crying evils at that time, and had proved most serious obstacles to the wise administration of government. If our subsequent history has shown that he somewhat over-estimated the latter of these dangers, yet on the other hand his manly. words and example have done much to educate the people to appreciate their true position among the nations of the earth. But there is no trace of national narrowness or bigotry in his counsel. He commends a liberal and generous treatment of the rest of the world, quite in contrast with the sentiments and conduct that prevailed among the nations of Europe during the last century. It is this large and comprehensive view of things, a thoughtful consideration for others, heroic self-reliance, united with a true singleness of purpose, that reveal the wise, fearless and truthful soul. The influence of this address upon the American people and indirectly upon foreign nations is a striking tribute to the supremacy of goodness. More enduring than mere intellectual greatness, such a character is destined to command the final homage of mankind.

Numerous editions of this address have been published, some of them at considerable expense. The original manuscript copy was purchased by James Lenox for twenty-five hundred dollars, and is now the possession of the Lenox Library, New York.