THE LIMITATION OF ARMAMENT

November 12, 1921

THE allied armies of liberty and democracy under Marshal Foch applied the remedy of "Force, force to the utmost "so relentlessly that the year 1918 saw the collapse of militarism and autocracy. On September 30 Bulgaria surrendered. A month later Turkey gave in to the Allies, and on November 4 Austria-Hungary joined the ranks of the defeated. Deserted by their fellow conspirators, defeated at the front, and disturbed by social uprisings within, Germany too realized that democracy will prevail. On November 9 the Kaiser was forced to abdicate after a reign of thirty years and to renounce the Imperial throne for his sons. Two days later, the eleventh of November, 1918, the Allies granted Germany an armistice, the terms of which were equivalent to complete and unconditional surrender.

The close of hostilities, however, did not formally end the war. Not until three years later, November 18, 1921, was the last treaty signed and peace proclaimed. The slowness of the United States in officially terminating the war was due to the reluctance of many Americans to accept the treaty of Versailles. In addition to specifying the acts of reparation to be made by Germany and the conditions of peace, this document attempted to establish a League of Nations. pledged to take an active part-even to the use of military force if necessary-in the settlement of world problems. Various interests at this time made the

United States hesitate to take such a pledge. The exigencies of politics and the American tradition of keeping aloof from foreign entanglements-despite the enlarged view of the Monroe Doctrine, the acquisition of the Philippines, and our part in the World War— seemed to forbid our entering into a military alliance. Nevertheless it was the common opinion in America that something in addition to the signing of routine treaties must be done by the United States to lessen the evils of war.

In recognition of this feeling President Harding invited the governments of the British Empire, France, Italy, and Japan to participate in a conference in Washington to discuss limitation of armament. The invitation was sent out August 11, 1921, and the delegates were asked to assemble on November 11, the anniversary of the armistice. On the morning of November 12 the first session was held in the building of the National Society of the Daughters of the American Revolution. At an early hour the streets and parkways in the vicinity were crowded with thousands of citizens anxious to get the first news from the conference or eager to obtain sight of distinguished visitors. Soon after ten o'clock the delegates from each of the five principal powers with assistants and military experts had taken their seats; and there were also present representatives of nations interested in minor questions that were to be considered by the conference. The galleries were filled with members of Congress, the diplomatic corps, and other distinguished persons. When the President entered by a rear door and passed to his seat, a tribute of applause marked the beginning of the conference. A moment of silence followed; and while visitors and delegates awaited expectantly the first opening movement, a breeze from

a lofty window gathered the flags of the participating nations and drew them together at the ceiling in a bond of impressive symbolism. When the chaplain's prayer was concluded, Secretary Hughes, as pro tempore chairman, announced the President of the United States.

After welcoming the delegates President Harding said that the action taken by the conference would have an influence on all human progress. A war-wearied world was demanding assurances of lasting peace. The measureless cost of conflict and the burden of armament made all thoughtful peoples seek to have war outlawed. The millions who pay in peace and die in war wish their statesmen to turn the cost of destruction into means for construction. "The United States," he added, "welcomes you with unselfish hands. We harbor no fears; we have no sordid ends to serve; we suspect no enemy; we contemplate nor apprehend no conquest. Content with what we have, we seek nothing which is another's. We only wish to do with you that finer, nobler thing which no nation can do alone."

The President's speech created an excellent impression. Every nation was sick of war and every nation was hoping that some means could be found for settling differences without conflict. The President's address, therefore, was exactly adapted to the occasion, although it contained nothing very startling or new. Nor was there anything unusual expected from Secretary Hughes. The delegates were settled in their belief that the first session would be devoted to addresses of welcome and the expression of the common desire for lasting peace. While the audience was thus listening with due and formal decorum, Secretary Hughes presented, in simple, unemotional language, his proposal

for a ten-year naval holiday and the destruction of capital ships. Instantly looks of astonishment flashed into the faces of the delegates and a burst of applause swept through the galleries. The conference at Washington was destined to create a precedent in international councils. At the Hague and elsewhere representatives of powerful nations had discussed means for alleviating the horrors of armed conflicts, but no definite and practical proposition for limiting the armament necessary for carrying on war had ever before been presented at an international conference.

The sincerity that had been shown by President Harding and Secretary Hughes soon infected the delegates. Nations that had been rivals pledged themselves to make sacrifices essential to the carrying out of the plan. The highest hopes were everywhere entertained for the success of the conference. Leaders of thought maintained that if it were possible to limit armaments through international agreement, it would be possible by the same means to reduce armaments little by little until they were completely abolished. If nations could be induced to curtail their preparation for war, the fear of war would gradually disappear and war would soon become unnecessary.

The time at which Secretary Hughes delivered this address was opportune for the acceptance of his views. The world still staggered under its burden of debt and suffering. In no country was there prosperity equal to that of 1914; and in many lands disease, famine, and crime prolonged the misery of the conflict. From its seven years of suffering the world at last had learned that quarrels cannot be settled by war. War, whether voluntary or involuntary, merely postpones settlement. Settlement can come only through the institutions of peace.

LIMITATION OF ARMAMENT

CHARLES EVANS HUGHES

It is with a deep sense of privilege and responsibility that I accept the honor you have conferred.

Permit me to express the most cordial appreciation of the assurances of friendly coöperation, which have been generously expressed by the representatives of all the invited Governments. The earnest desire and purpose, manifested in every step in the approach to this meeting, that we should meet the reasonable expectation of a watching world by effective action suited to the opportunity, is the best augury for the success of the conference.

The President invited the Governments of the British Empire, France, Italy, and Japan to participate in a conference on the subject of limitation of armament, in connection with which Pacific and Far Eastern questions also would be discussed. It would have been most agreeable to the President to have invited all the powers to take part in this conference, but it was thought to be a time when other considerations should yield to the practical requirements of the existing exigency, and in this view the invitation was extended to the group known as the principal allied and associated powers, which, by reason of the conditions produced by the war, control in the main the armament of the world. The opportunity to limit armament lies within their grasp.

It was recognized, however, that the interests of other powers in the Far East made it appropriate that they should be invited to participate in the discussion of Pacific and Far Eastern problems, and, with the approval of the five powers, an invitation to take part in the discussion