moment a singular and melancholy spectacle of the rulers of a great nation drifting along in pitiable ignorance of their own responsibilities. I regard it as a favorable circumstance that the four nations who have recently formed treaties with China are agreed in the hope that the present dynasty will be able to maintain its authority, and there are many encouragements at present to assist the leading statesmen in the empire in entering the new path before them. I believe that the American people will continue to exert an increasing influence upon this; and the establishment of a college at Peking, with a few philanthropic, well-educated, earnest-minded instructors in charge of it, would tend to exert a lasting and excellent influence at the seat of the government in support of peace and commerce throughout all the provinces. The schools which have already been established by missionaries in various places prove the feasibility of such educational efforts, and encourage the formation of a higher institution. If it promote sound morals, as well as accurate knowledge, the highest purposes of its establishment will be attained. When I consider the benefits that are likely in a course of years to result from a well-ordered institution of this sort-one like the colleges of our own country-where the youth of America and China can be brought into contact and mutual appreciation, I can but deem this proposal to be worth your consideration and even approval. In equity the balance appears to belong to the Chinese, but they have no voice in its disposal. If set apart to the payment of subsequent claims as they arise, will they then have any control as to what claims shall be taken from it, or is it intended to pay chiefly those claims which they decline to admit, but which the United States government regard as just? These questions have occurred to me, and others, too, as to the policy of laying up a surplus at all to the credit of a government like this. It has yet no settled policy in its foreign relations, but is beginning to learn what they are, as exhibited by foreign representatives, and shaping it more in conformity to western usages. The events which have given rise in former times to reclamations for indemnity from the Chinese have, for the most part, been owing to the acts of other nations, in which our citizens were involved from their contiguity of residence or business. But when, through the perversity of an official, or the license of a mob, losses occur or life is endangered, is not the moral effect among such a people as this greater if we associate the penalty with the offence, and connect the safety of our citizens with the punishment of their aggressors? If indemnity be demanded of the Chinese government, but actually taken from a fund it knows nothing of, and allowing the wrong-doers really to go free, it will place our authorities here in rather an anomalous position, and the minister to China would find great difficulty in satisfactorily explaining the matter to the leading officers at court. They would probably hear, too, of a surplus to their credit, and inquire about it, or draw upon it in some unexpected way that would be embarrassing. So far as I am able to judge of the bearings of the case, it would be preferable to return the whole to them, or distribute the money, as it accrues, to the disappointed claimants and those Chinese in the employ of our citizens who suffered severe losses in consequence of their connexion with them, than to lay it aside for future contingencies to settle with a government like the Chinese. I think that the probabilities of untoward acts on the part of officials are greatly lessened in time to come by the residence of foreign ministers at Peking, who can there explain cases as they occur, demand reparation, if necessary, and point out modes of action. Since the convention of November, 1858, one case has occurred where Americans and others suffered injury at the hands of a mob at Shanghai, and the local authorities made restitution at the request of the consuls and paid the damages. Chinese statesmen will, it is hoped, more and more feel that peace is their best policy, and endeavor to maintain it. Unless we are willing to yield our national dignity in the eyes of these Asiatic nations, we must be prepared to maintain and enforce our rights, and do so at the time they are infringed. But, when we have obtained satisfaction for a wrong from the officials, to fall back upon a reserve from which, to pay the money agreed to be justly due as an indemnity would neutralize the whole effect of the demand for reparation. They might even be prompted to wrongdoing by their knowledge of such a fund, referring our consuls and ministers to it to repay the sufferers as much as they pleased. By devoting it to some general and benevolent purpose like that here recommended the money is removed from the hopes and schemes of speculators or future sufferers, and from the care of our government or its representatives in China, neither of whom would desire to involve themselves in its responsibilities. The sum of $210,000 would not go far to repay losses incurred by a catastrophe like that of.December, 1856, at Canton; but it is enough, if properly managed, to begin an institution, and may serve as a model for others to be undertaken by the people. I have the honor to remain, yours, obediently, Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C. ANSON BURLINGAME. No. 14.] Mr. Seward to Mr. Burlingame. DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, May 29, 1862. SIR: Your despatch of the 22d of March has been received. Your appointment of Franklin B. Forbes to be consul at Tien-Tsin will be confirmed. Your proceedings in paying the awards made under our treaty with the Emperor of China are approved. We wait your suggestions concerning a proper disposition of the surplus of the fund. You will express the President's acknowledgments to the Emperor for the seasonable and friendly notice which was given to you by his order concerning his Majesty's intended demonstrations for the reconquest of Ningpo, then occupied by the rebels. Also, like acknowledgments for the new facilities extended to trade in the ports of Tung-Chow and New-Chang. Your account of the operations of the government against the insurgents and the martial disposition of the Chinese are very interesting, as your speculations concerning that war, its cause and its course always are. It is gratifying to know that the impression concerning this country resting on the national mind of China is so favorable. The progress of the national arms by land and water in restoring the authority of the Union, although attended by occasional reverses, is, nevertheless, on the whole, entirely satisfactory, and we are already looking forward to a time when we can improve our communications with the East, and claim a due share of its commerce, which, surviving dynasties and empires, not only in Europe but in Asia, continues, as in former ages, to be a chief fertilizer on both continents. I am, sir, your obedient servant, ANSON BURLINGAME, Esq., &c., &c., &c. WILLIAM H. SEWARD. No. 22.] Mr. Burlingame to Mr. Seward LEGATION of the United States, SIR: I have the honor to inform you that I arrived at this place on the 20th of July. The journey was tedious, but still accomplished without serious inconvenience. The foreign and Chinese officials offered me every facility for my progress. At Tien-Tsin I had a pleasant interview with Tsung How, commissioner of trade. From Tien-Tsin I came by the river Peiho as far as Tungchau by boat, and from there-twelve miles-in a chair which had been kindly sent by Count Kleczkowski, chargé d'affaires of the French. The commissioner of trade sent with me a high mandarin and a guard. The mandarin was compelled to return because of a severe attack of cholera, a disease which is now raging throughout this region. The hospitality of the foreign legations was kindly tendered me. I accepted that of the French, as it was the first proffered. On my arrival at Tien-Tsin I addressed a letter, marked A, to Mr. Bruce, the British minister; also a letter to Prince Kung, marked B. To these letters I received replies, copies of which I send, marked C and D. I send, also, a letter marked E, which I addressed to Vice Admiral Sir James Hope, before I left Shanghai. On my arrival at Peking I addressed a note, marked F, to Prince Kung, to which he replied that his father-in-law, Kweiliang, had just died, but that in a few days he would be pleased to have an interview. Two of the members of the foreign office called and expressed their delight at my arrival, and at the same time presented the misfortunes of Prince Kung. I find that a great change has taken place in the disposition of the Chinese since my predecessor found such trouble in Peking. I have in my suite Dr. S. Wells Williams, interpreter, B. Wistar Fellowes, private secretary, and the Rev. J. S. I. Schereschewki, who will establish the first American mission in Peking. I have the honor to be your obedient servant, Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, ANSON BURLINGAME. Secretary of State. A. TIEN-TSIN, July 10, 1862. SIR: I have the honor to inform your excellency of my arrival at this place, and that I propose to depart for Peking, by way of Tung-Chow, on Monday next. I forwarded to you a letter from Vice-Admiral Sir James Hope immediately upon my arrival, but without any explanatory letter, save a hasty note, written while your courier waited, to Count Kleczkowski. The uniform kindness I have received from her Majesty's officials since my arrival in China demands from me an acknowledgment, and makes it my pleasant duty to put myself into confidential relations with her chief representative. To this end I am happy to inform you that my co-operation with Sir James at Ningpo and Shanghai-of which, doubtless, you are advised-has received the hearty approval of my government, and the following language from the Secretary of State has been given me as a guide for the future: "The interests of this country, (United States,) so far as I understand them, are identical with those of the two other nations (England and France) I have mentioned. "There is no reason to doubt that British and French ministers are acting in such a manner as will promote the interests of all the western nations. You are therefore instructed to consult and co-operate with them, unless in special cases there shall be very satisfactory reasons for separating from them." In the full spirit of these instructions I propose cordially to meet your excelleney, and to "consult and co-operate" for the common good of our respective nations. I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant, Hon. F. W. A. BRUCE, C. B., ANSON BURLINGAME. Her Britannic Majesty's Envoy, &c., &c., &c. B. LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, The undersigned, envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of the United States to China, has the honor to inform his highness, Prince Kung, that on the 29th day of May last he sent him a despatch, intimating his intention to proceed on to the capital in order to deliver the letter from the President with which he is charged; and though he has not yet learned that that despatch has been received, he has now further to communicate his arrival at Tien-Tsin, and that as soon as preparations are made he will proceed on his way to Peking. This note is now forwarded in advance, in order to make known to his highness that he has come to this place. His Imperial Highness PRINCE Kung. ANSON BURLINGAME. C. PEKING, July 14, 1862. SIR: I have honor to acknowledge the receipt of your excellency's despatch, dated Tien-Tsin, July 10th, with the letter of Sir J. Hope, which you were good enough to transmit to me by previous occasion. It is with much pleasure that I learn your approaching arrival, as it will be most satisfactory to me to have the benefit of your counsels in endeavoring to provide for the security of foreign interests and trade amid the serious complications presented by the existing condition of China. I am glad to hear that Sir J. Hope, and those of her Majesty's officials who have been in communication with your excellency, have met you in the cordial spirit which it is the wish of her Majesty's government should animate its agents in China towards the representative of the United States. Count Kleczkowski informed me that he had offered you the hospitality of the French legation until your arrangements are made. I need not say that the British legation is placed most willingly at your disposal. I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant, A. BURLINGAME, &c., &c., §c. D. FREDERICK W. A. BRUCE. Kung, a prince of the imperial house, and secretary of the affairs of foreign nations, herewith replies: I had the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your excellency's previous despatch, in which you expressed the cordial sentiments you feel as being those which exhibit the amicable relations now existing between our countries; and have now the honor of again replying to a despatch just at hand, in which you inform me of your arrival at Tien-Tsin, and that you intend soon to start for the capital. The intention of your excellency's present visit to Peking is to make known the friendly feelings which exist towards this country, that the subjects of both may thereby feel that they should act in the same spirit; and henceforth these amicable relations will be strengthened, and the merchants and citizens of both countries receive increased benefit. It is for this purpose that I write this reply. His Excellency ANSON BURLINGAME, Envoy Extraordinary, &c., &c., U. S. A. July 14, 1862, Tungché, 1st year, 6th moon, 18th day. The above was received at Ma-tan, on the Peiho, and a note sent back by the courier, acknowledging its receipt, on the 17th of July. E. LEGATION OF the United STATES, SIR: I cannot proceed to Peking without thanking you most sincerely, not only for your many acts of kindness to me personally, but for the protection you have never failed to extend to my countrymen during the exciting period through which we have passed. As soon as I arrived at Shanghai you did me the honor to call upon me and, with a delicacy I cannot forget, you made reference to the disturbed stat of my country, and generously suggested that your force was, for purposes o protection, at my disposal, and not only stated it, but kindly addressed a letter to me to the same effect, in which you gave a proffer of the same protection to my countrymen as to your own. You have more than redeemed your promises. In as far as I co-operated with you at Ningpo and Shanghai, I am happy to inform you that I have received the hearty approval of my government, which has instructed me to follow the line of policy hitherto pursued by me, and, as the western powers have a common interest in China, to consult and co-operate with them in the line of policy to be pursued in the future. I hope your own desires and the commands of her Majesty's government may continue you in China; that the vigorous policy pursued by you may have its fruition in the establishment of order and immunity from a rebellion which, in its present form, can have no defenders among those who wish well to the human race. ANSON BURLINGAME. I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant, Vice-Admiral SIR JAMES HOPE. F. Note sent to His Imperial Highness Prince Kung, July 22, 1862. I arrived at the capital on the 20th instant, and am at present temporarily stopping at the legation of France. When the various duties incident on arrival are attended to, it will be proper to present the President's letter to his Majesty. At your highness's leisure, please appoint a day when I can in person assure you of my sincere regard; and, meanwhile, I avail myself of this opportunity to respectfully wish you the enjoyment of every happiness. ANSON BURLINGAME. |